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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
Time: 10:22 pm
Time: 10:22 pm
Results for public opinion
127 results foundAuthor: Bullock, Karen Title: Public Concerns About Organised Crime Summary: From this report: "[t]his report presents findings from a study that explored the nature and extent of public concern about organised crime. The study drew on two sources of data: ten in-depth focus groups and a telephone survey of 1,000 randomly selected members of the public. The impetus for this research was the 2004 Organised Crime White Paper which pointed to the need to examine the level of public concern about organised crime and the harm associated with it. Rather than assessing the effectiveness of a specific policy initiative, the work was carried out to increase the wider contextual evidence base on organised crime, specifically focusing on public perception and concerns." Details: London: Home Office Research, Development and Statistics Directorate, 2009 Source: Research Report 16 GfK NOP Social Research Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 115788 Keywords: Organized CrimePublic Opinion |
Author: Ormston, Rachel Title: Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2009: Local Issues, National Concerns: Public Attitudes to Antisocial Behaviour in Scotland Summary: This report presents findings on public perceptions of antisocial behavior (ASB) and attitudes to young people in Scotland. It is based on data from the 2009 Scottish Social Attitudes survey, which involved face-to-face interviews with a probability sample of 1,482 people aged 18+ across Scotland. Details: Edinburgh: Scottish Government Social Research, 2010. 81p. Source: Scottish Centre for Social Research Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 117685 Keywords: Antisocial BehaviorPublic Opinion |
Author: Morton, Sarah Title: Public Attitudes Towards Tasers - Results from an Opinion Poll Summary: This paper outlines findings from a survey of public attitudes towards Tasers in the U.K. The survey explored public awareness of Tasers; support for the trust in the police to use Tasers; and situation in which it is deemed acceptable to use a Taser. Details: London: Home Office, 2010. 5p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 119227 Keywords: Police Use of ForcePublic OpinionTasers |
Author: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Title: Final Report: Public Opinion Poll on Evaluation of Police-Public Partnership in the Marzes of the Republic of Armenia Summary: The document covers the findings of the Public Opinion Poll for Evaluation of Police-Public Partnership in the Marzes of the Republic of Armenia. The main objectives of the opinion poll were as follows: evaluate the public opinion about the police; evaluate possible formats of police-public partnership; evaluate public attitude towards the police; identify public perception of the efficiency of the police work; identify the areas of policing that are positively perceived by the public; identify the areas of policing that are negatively perceived by the public; identify the role of the mass media in shaping the police-public partnership; and define the possible changes that should urgently take place in the police service. Details: Yerevan, Armenia: OSCE,2010. 138p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: Armenia URL: Shelf Number: 118827 Keywords: Codmmunity PolicingPolice-Community RelationsPolicingPublic AttitudesPublic Opinion |
Author: Lopez, Mark Hugo Title: Hispanics and the Criminal Justice System: Low Confidence, High Exposure Summary: Latinos' confidence in the U.S. criminal justice system is closer to the relatively low levels expressed by blacks than to the higher levels expressed by whites, according to a pair of nationwide surveys by the Pew Research Center. Six-in-ten (61%) Hispanics say they have a great deal or a fair amount of confidence that the police in their communities will do a good job enforcing the law, compared with 78% of whites and 55% of blacks. Fewer than half of Latinos say they are confident that Hispanics will be treated fairly by the courts (49%) and police officers (45%). Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2009. 16p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 110844 Keywords: -Hispanic AmericansDiscriminationMinoritiesPublic Opinion |
Author: Smith, Dominic Title: Public Confidence in the Criminal Justice System: Findings from the British Crime Survey 2002/03 to 2007/08 Summary: This report covers the overall levels of confidence in the Criminal Justice System (CJS) and public perceptions of the wider CJS and draws together findings from the British Crime Survey (BCS), considering both the national (England and Wales) and local level picture. The report follows on from earlier publications on BCS headline data on confidence in the CJS. Details: London: Ministry of Justice, 2010. 38p. Source: Internet Resource; Ministry of Justice Research Series 16/10 Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 119342 Keywords: British Crime SurveyCriminal Justice SystemPublic Opinion |
Author: Martin, Kerry Title: Positivity in Practice: Approaches to Improving Perceptions of Young People and their Involvement in Crime and Anti-Social Behaviour Summary: There is a mismatch between perceptions and reality about the scale of young people’s involvement in crime and anti-social behaviour. This study highlights the range of approaches that local authorities (LAs) and their partner organisations are undertaking to improve how young people are perceived in their communities, especially in relation to crime and anti-social behaviour. It also describes the methods used by LAs to measure the impact of activities on perceptions. Details: Slough, UK: National Foundation for Educational Research (NFER), 2010. 65p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 119392 Keywords: Antisocial Behavior (U.K.)Public Opinion |
Author: Great Britain. HM Revenue and Customs Title: Marketing Strategy for Illicit Tobacco Summary: This document is a cross-U.K. Government marketing strategy designed to change attitudes to illicit tobacco products. Details: London: HM Revenue & Customs; Department of Health, 2009. 41p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 119402 Keywords: Illegal TradeIllicit TobaccoPublic Opinion |
Author: Barnes, Ian Title: Partners in Crime: Democratic Accountability and the Future of Local Policing Summary: There is now widespread recogniton that the structure of policing in England and Wales must be radically overhauled if it is to tackle crime and maintain public confidence through a period of diminishing public finances. In this report, Policy Exchange sets out a vision of democratic accountability driving efficiency and responsiveness in the police service, renewing the longstanding bonds between the police and the public. The report calls for the introduction of elected police heads, responsible for meeting the needs of local people and revitalising the relationship between the police and the public. Details: London: Policy Exchange, 2009. 46p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 117361 Keywords: Police ReformPolicing (U.K.)Public Opinion |
Author: O'Donovan, Michael Title: South Africa's Perceptions of the Police and the Courts: Results of the 2007 National Victims of Crime Survey Summary: In 2007 the Institute for Security Studies conducted a national crime and victimisation survey. The survey followed on from two earlier victim surveys conducted by the ISS and Statistics South Africa in 1998 and 2003 respectively. Together, these three surveys provide an unprecedented snapshot of both changing victimisation levels and perceptions of crime and the criminal justice system over the last decade. This paper, one of several on the research results, provides an analysis of the findings of the 2007 victimisation survey in respect of preceptions of the public in relation to the functioning of the police and courts. It also provides a comparison between the 2003 and 2007 victmisation survey findings on these matters. Details: Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2008. 8p. Source: Internet Resource; ISS Paper 176 Year: 2008 Country: South Africa URL: Shelf Number: 115830 Keywords: CourtsPolicePublic OpinionVictimization SurveysVictims of Crime |
Author: Soloman, Susan Title: Domestic Abuse 2008/09: Post Campaign Evaluation Report Summary: The Scottish Government, working under the Safer Scotland superbrand, has conducted an annual Domestic Abuse campaign for the past 11 years, focussing on the key message 'Domestic Abuse - there's no excuse'. Since initiation of the campaign in 1998 there have been 11 waves of post-campaign evaluation, tracking attitudes and perceptions towards domestic abuse and the media executions. This most recent wave (Wave 12) marked a change in approach, with the main message being that there is help out there for people who find themselves in abusive situations. This was supported by the introduction of a new TV advert - 'I Soar'. Given the nature of the objectives and target audience for the research, and the need for comparability, an omnibus approach was considered to be most appropriate method, with mruk's monthly in-home Scottish CAPI omnibus being utilised. The questionnaire was based directly on the previous wave to ensure comparability, with additional questions directly related to the most recent advertising campaign being included. Those parts of the questionnaire thought to be particularly sensitive were completed by the respondents themselves, directly into CAPI machines. This report presents the findings of the evaluation. Details: Edinburgh: Scotland Government Social Research, 2009. 31p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 116688 Keywords: AbuseDomestic ViolencePublic OpinionPublicity |
Author: Cruz, Jose Miguel Title: Police Abuse in Latin America Summary: The AmericasBarometer survey provides an opportunity to assess police behavior in the Americas from the perspective of voting age citizens. This report in the AmericasBarometer Insights series seeks to answer these questions based in the 2008 database. The survey containing the question about police mistreatment was carried out in twenty Latin American and Caribbean countries, and it was answered by 32,853 respondents. The report concludes that although police reforms have taken place in several countries in the region, further work is needed with the police forces in Latin America. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, Latin American Public Opinion Project, 2009. 8p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 14, 2010 at: http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/i3AQ5a/I0811%20Police%20Abuse%20in%20Latin%20America%20English.pdf; Americas Barometer Insights: 2009 (No. 11) Year: 2009 Country: Central America URL: http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/i3AQ5a/I0811%20Police%20Abuse%20in%20Latin%20America%20English.pdf; Americas Barometer Insights: 2009 (No. 11) Shelf Number: 119604 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice ReformPolicing (Latin America)Public Opinion |
Author: Roberts, Lynne Title: What Australians Think About Crime and Justice: Results from the 2007 Survey of Social Attitudes Summary: This report provides an analysis of the responses in the 2007 Australian Survey of Social Attitudes (AuSSA) on crime and justice. The AuSSA is a biennial mail-out survey that provides data on key questions relating to Australians’ social attitudes and behaviours over time. AuSSA 2007 consisted of a cross sectional mail-out survey completed by 8,133 adults from all Australian states and territories. Three versions of the survey were fielded with final response rates ranging from 39 to 42 percent. To produce Australian estimates the data have been weighted by education level to correct for differences in education level between survey respondents and the general population. The report addresses perceptions of crime, fear of crime, the administration of criminal justice, and changes in attitudes over time. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2009. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: AIC Research and Public Policy Series No. 101: Accessed August 28, 2010 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/documents/4/8/A/%7B48A3B38B-376E-4A7A-A457-AA5CC37AE090%7Drpp101.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/documents/4/8/A/%7B48A3B38B-376E-4A7A-A457-AA5CC37AE090%7Drpp101.pdf Shelf Number: 119698 Keywords: Criminal Justice, Administration ofFear of CrimePublic Opinion |
Author: Murphy, Kristina Title: Policing Youth: Can Procedural Justice Nurture Youth Cooperation with Police? Summary: Australian crime statistics reveal that young people are the most likely population group to have contact with the police, and persons aged 15 to 19 years are the most prominent group to have contact with police for the commission of a crime. When compared to their older counterparts, young people are more likely to attract police attention, in part because of their high level of involvement in illegal activity. Behaviours that are legal for adults may not be so for youth. Examples include alcohol consumption, temporary absenteeism from school, and driving cars unlicensed. iven young people are also more likely to congregate in public areas they are also often considered a public nuisance, and therefore attract unwanted police attention. Hence, the wider societal culture that deems that young people are a threat tends to provide justification for police to attend to youth in order to avoid potential trouble. Removing youth from visible street locations, often when the youth are not involved in any illegal or deviant behaviour can result in negative opinion toward police by the youth. The extra police attention for not doing anything wrong creates a sense that they are being treated like trouble-makers. This promotes tense and hostile police-youth encounters, and leads many youth to have a pessimistic view of police enacting their authority unfairly. Using survey data collected from a sample of Australian youth, the present study examines factors that lead young people to question police authority, and how such factors can ultimately affect their willingness to cooperate with police efforts to control crime and disorder effectively. Details: Geelong, VIC, Australia: Alfred Deakin Research Institute, Deakin University, 2010. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Alfred Deakin Research Institute, Working Paper No. 06: Accessed September 10, 2010 at: http://www.deakin.edu.au/alfred-deakin-research-institute/publications/workingpapers/adri-working-paper-06.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.deakin.edu.au/alfred-deakin-research-institute/publications/workingpapers/adri-working-paper-06.pdf Shelf Number: 119779 Keywords: Juvenile OffendersJuvenilesNuisance Behaviors and DisorderPolice-Community RelationsProblem YouthPublic Opinion |
Author: Murphy, Kristina Title: Policing Ethnic Minority Groups with Procedural Justice: An Empirical Study Summary: Public cooperation with police is essential for the effective management of crime and disorder in our society. Understanding factors that shape public cooperation with the police is therefore important. However, Australian and international studies show that police find it difficult to elicit cooperation from ethnic communities, this made difficult by the fact that ethnic groups display low levels of trust and confidence in the police. This study examines the role that procedural justice might play in fostering minority group perceptions of police legitimacy and their willingness to cooperate with police officers. The study uses survey data collected from Australian citizens and tests whether procedurally fair policing can enhance public cooperation among ethnic minority group members. Results indicate that cooperation appears to be mediated by people's perceptions of police legitimacy. The findings have implications for theories of cooperation, as well as for determining how the police can foster better relationships with ethnically diverse communities. Details: Geelong, VIC, Australia: Alfred Deakin Research Institute, Deakin University, 2010. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Alfred Deakin Research Institute, Working Paper No. 02: Accessed September 10, 2010 at: http://www.deakin.edu.au/alfred-deakin-research-institute/publications/workingpapers/adri-working-paper-02.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.deakin.edu.au/alfred-deakin-research-institute/publications/workingpapers/adri-working-paper-02.pdf Shelf Number: 119780 Keywords: Minority GroupsPolice-Community RelationsPolicingPublic Opinion |
Author: Latimer, Jeff Title: The 2008 National Justice Survey: The Youth Justice System in Canada and the Youth Criminal Justice Act Summary: The Department of Justice Canada conducts the National Justice Survey (NJS) on an annual basis to provide the Department with public opinion on current and emerging policy relevant topics. The focus of the 2008 National Justice Survey (the 2nd cycle of this annual survey) was the Youth Criminal Justice Act and the youth criminal justice system in Canada in order to provide policymakers with current information regarding Canadian’s perceptions of youth justice issues. The goals of the 2008 NJS were to measure public confidence in the youth justice system, to identify viewpoints on particular responses to youth criminal behaviour and to assess perceptions of youth crime in Canada. Details: Ottawa: Department of Jsutice Canada, 2008. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 14, 2010 at: http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/pi/rs/rep-rap/2008/rr08_yj1-rr08_jj1/rr08_yj1.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Canada URL: http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/pi/rs/rep-rap/2008/rr08_yj1-rr08_jj1/rr08_yj1.pdf Shelf Number: 118360 Keywords: Juvenile Justice Systems (Canada)Juvenile OffendersPublic Opinion |
Author: Kane, John Title: The 2005 National Public Survey on White Collar Crime Summary: Within recent years, instances of white collar crime have become a topic of increasing frequency within the news. Security data breaches and crimes such as identity theft, credit card fraud, disaster fraud, and mortgage fraud have pervaded recent media reports, and scandals involving corporations such as Enron, Worldcom, Tyco, HealthSouth, and ImClone have dominated airtime. Furthermore, monetary estimates from the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Association of Certified Fraud Examiners approximate the annual cost of white collar crime to be between $300 and $660 billion. Despite the evidence of the widespread nature of white collar crime, there remain few empirical studies devoted to assessing the prevalence of white collar crime as it relates to the general public. In response to this, NW3C conducted the 2005 National Public Survey on White Collar Crime (a follow-up to NW3C’s original National Public Survey on White Collar Crime conducted in 1999). By utilizing household and individual measures, this nationally-representative survey highlights the public’s recent experiences with white collar crime including victimization, reporting behaviors, and perceptions of crime seriousness. Details: Fairmont, WV: National White Collar Crime Center, 2006. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 6, 2010 at: http://www.nw3c.org/research/national_public_survey.cfm Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://www.nw3c.org/research/national_public_survey.cfm Shelf Number: 119868 Keywords: Credit Card FraudCrime SurveysFraudIdentity TheftPublic OpinionVictimizationVictims of CrimeWhite Collar Crime |
Author: Ipsos MORI Title: Policing Anti-Social Behaviour: The Public Perspective Summary: Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) commissioned this research to obtain evidence of public attitudes towards anti-social behaviour and police response, and to highlight potential implications for the police in their approaches to anti-social behaviour. In particular, the research identified what people understand by the term ‘anti-social behaviour’; who they feel ought to be responsible for dealing with it; their expectations of key agencies such as the police; and the conditions under which people report particular incidents/behaviour. The research measures attitudes towards contact with the police when reporting anti-social behaviour and identifies key areas for improvement. Details: London: Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary, 2010. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2010 at: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/SiteCollectionDocuments/What's%20New/ASB_Ipsos_MORI_7g8h9i_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/SiteCollectionDocuments/What's%20New/ASB_Ipsos_MORI_7g8h9i_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 119894 Keywords: Antisocial BehaviorPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Roberts, Julian V. Title: Public Opinion and the Jury: An International Literature Review Summary: There is substantial literature on the legal institution of the jury and on the experiences of jurors. However less is known about public attitudes to juries. This report sought to help address this knowledge gap. It draws together findings from the small number of quantitative surveys that have asked the general public questions on this subject. It focuses on survey findings from England and Wales, but also considers international research. The report indicates high levels of confidence in the jury amongst the general public. Details: London: Ministry of Justice, 2009. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Ministry of Justice Research Series 1/09: Accessed October 9, 2010 at: http://www.justice.gov.uk/publications/docs/public-opinion-and-the-jury-by-roberts-and-hough-web(1).pdf Year: 2009 Country: International URL: http://www.justice.gov.uk/publications/docs/public-opinion-and-the-jury-by-roberts-and-hough-web(1).pdf Shelf Number: 114353 Keywords: JuriesJurorsPublic Opinion |
Author: Grossman, Michele Title: Don't Go There: Young People's Perspectives on Community Safety and Policing Summary: This study aimed to find out what young people aged 15-19 in the Brimbank area think about community safety and about the ways in which police and young people interact on these issues. Using a mixed-method study design that collected data through a survey and focus groups, the study sought to answer the following research questions: What helps young people to feel safe? What leads to young people feeling unsafe or at risk when they are in public spaces? What do young people see as the triggers and causes of increased violence and conflict amongst groups of young people? What do young people think about police in their local area and how can relationships between young people and police be improved? How can police and young people work together in improving community safety in the Brimbank area? This project surveyed 500 young people drawn from the general population in Brimbank and engaged a further 44 young people from Sudanese and Pacific Islander backgrounds through focus group discussions, as well as 14 young people drawn from the general population in a focus group looking specifically at strategies for improved youth-police consultation mechanisms on community safety. The evidence base provided through the Don’t Go There study has emerged through detailed and rigorous elicitation and analysis of the perceptions, views and voices of young people themselves. The findings of the research report are essentially ‘data-up’ findings that have been generated through a series of questions and themes that, while they are informed by a range of concerns and interests for Victoria Police as the key stakeholder in the project, have been independently pursued in the research design and have allowed young people to speak freely and in detail about what most concerns them in relation to the main issues canvassed in the study. While the findings presented below are specific to what young people who live in the Brimbank region have said in response to the research questions and themes, the methodology used in this survey, as detailed in Chapter 7 of the report, is fully transferable and can be used to elicit the views and perspectives of young people anywhere in the state to gather similarly rich locale- or regionally-based data. Details: Melbourne: Victoria University, 2010. 204p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2010 at: http://www.vu.edu.au/sites/default/files/mcd/pdfs/dont-go-there-study-may-2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.vu.edu.au/sites/default/files/mcd/pdfs/dont-go-there-study-may-2010.pdf Shelf Number: 119986 Keywords: Community SafetyFear of CrimeJuvenile OffendersJuvenilesPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Wortley, Scot Title: The Jamaican National Crime Victimization Survey: Final Report Summary: The 2006 Jamaican National Victimization Survey (JNVS) is the first victimization survey conducted in Jamaica that is based on a representative sample of the general Jamaican population. The final victimization survey was completed by a random sample of 3,112 Jamaican residents, 16 years of age or over. The survey focused on the following issues: 1) Patterns of criminal victimization; 2) Community crime problems; 3) Indirect exposure to crime; 4) Fear of Crime; and 5) Public attitudes towards the Jamaican police and other aspects of the Jamaican criminal justice system. Details: Toronto: Centre for Criminology, University of Toronto, 2006. 272p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2010 at: http://www.oas.org/ATIP/documents/victimization_surveys/jamaica/JNCVSfinal_2006%5B1%5D.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.oas.org/ATIP/documents/victimization_surveys/jamaica/JNCVSfinal_2006%5B1%5D.pdf Shelf Number: 119988 Keywords: Criminal Justice SystemsFear of CrimePolice-Community RelationsPublic OpinionVictimization Surveys |
Author: Kuhnrich, Bernd Title: Attitudes Towards Punishment in the European Union: Results from the 2005 European Crime Survey (ECSS) with Focus on Germany Summary: This report examines the attitudes of Europeans regarding punishment for certain crimes. The aim of the report is to present an analysis of the significant mean differences between Germany and all other European countries. Details: Freiburg, Germany: Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law, 2005. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: ECSS Project: Research Report MPI (30/12/2005): Accessed October 29, 2010 at: http://www.europeansafetyobservatory.eu/doc/Punitiveness.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Europe URL: http://www.europeansafetyobservatory.eu/doc/Punitiveness.pdf Shelf Number: 120125 Keywords: PrisonsPublic OpinionPunishmentSentencing |
Author: Mitchell, Barry Title: Public Opinion and Sentencing for Murder: An Empirical Investigation of Public Knowledge and Attitudes in England and Wales Summary: With the possible exception of genocide, murder is widely regarded, by members of the public as well as by lawyers, as the most serious offence in the criminal calendar, and it continues to attract great public interest. Reflecting their most serious nature, murder cases continue to attract considerable coverage in the media. The death penalty for murder was wholly abolished by the Murder (Abolition of Death Penalty) Act 1965 after it became apparent that the distinction between capital and noncapital cases was unsatisfactory. Since then, trial judges have been required to impose a life sentence on all persons convicted of murder. It was assumed that anything less than automatic indefinite imprisonment would undermine public confidence in the criminal justice system. This assumption has never been tested, however. One of the principal goals of the current research project was to explore the consequences on public opinion, of abolishing the mandatory life sentence for murder. The mandatory life sentence effectively consists of two distinct stages. The first is now known as the “minimum term” – formerly referred to as the “tariff” – which is a period of imprisonment that is intended to reflect the seriousness of the murder. In the vast majority of cases this term must be served in full, though it is possible for a prisoner to be released (on licence) before the expiry of the minimum term in very exceptional circumstances. When the minimum term has expired, the offender can be considered for release on licence but this will depend on the perceived risk that s/he poses to the public. In other words, release on licence is not automatic on expiry of the minimum term; a murderer will be detained in prison until s/he no longer poses an unacceptable danger to the public. One specific aspect of the murder law that has caused recent controversy and public debate relates to what is often called “joint enterprise” murder – i.e. when two people intend that a crime should be committed and one of them is present whilst the other commits murder but makes no attempt to prevent him from so doing. This has risen, for example, in gang killings where one or more members of a gang are present at the scene of a murder which is carried out by another member. Should those who make no attempt to prevent the killing themselves be guilty of murder? There seems to be some uncertainty about how a court would regard their liability: much is likely to depend on what the jury thinks the fellow gang members expected and that in itself will probably be uncertain. The main purpose of the present research program was to test empirically the assumption that the British public is firmly opposed to any alternative to the current sentencing arrangements for murder. Specifically, we explored public opinion towards the sentencing of cases of murder. This represents the first systematic attempt to map put the contours of public attitudes to this critical issue in criminal justice in this or any other jurisdiction. A secondary aim of the research was to gauge the public’s knowledge and understanding of the mandatory life sentence and the way in which it operates in practice. In pursuing these aims we also very briefly took the opportunity to gauge public opinion on “joint enterprise murder”. Details: London: Nuffield Foundation, 2010. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 29, 2010 at: http://www.nuffieldfoundation.org/sites/default/files/files/Public%20Opinion%20and%20Sentencing%20for%20Murder_Mitchell&Robertsv_FINAL.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.nuffieldfoundation.org/sites/default/files/files/Public%20Opinion%20and%20Sentencing%20for%20Murder_Mitchell&Robertsv_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 120131 Keywords: Life SentenceMurderersPublic OpinionSentencing |
Author: TNS Opinion & Social Title: Domestic Violence Against Women Summary: The aim of this survey is to measure the evolution of European public opinion concerning domestic violence against women since 1999, which can be seen as the starting point for collecting information about the public’s view on this important problem. Evolutions are particularly interesting to study considering the changing legal context over the past ten years. The first important message that comes out of the study is the rising awareness of Europeans. The survey also shows broad support for EU action in this area. - 98% of people are now aware of domestic violence across the EU compared to 94% in the previous survey. - Awareness of domestic violence against women is very high across the EU, thanks to media such as television (92%), newspapers and magazines (59%) informing the vast majority of EU citizens about the problem. - Domestic violence remains very common: one respondent in four across the EU knows a woman among friends or in the family circle who is a victim of domestic violence. Since the previous survey, the proportion of Europeans (on a comparable EU15 basis) that say they know a victim of domestic violence in their circle of friends or family has increased from 19% to 25%. - One person in five knows of someone who commits domestic violence in their circle of friends and family (21%). - Women are more likely than men to know a woman who has suffered from domestic violence. They are also more likely than men to be aware of people who commit this crime, and more likely to view the problem seriously and to advocate tougher penalties for those responsible. - 78% of Europeans recognise that domestic violence is a common problem. - Attitudes to domestic violence have generally become much tougher, with far more people (86%, up from 63% for the EU15) now saying that domestic violence is unacceptable and should always be punishable by law. In the European Union as a whole, 84% consider that domestic violence is unacceptable and should always be punishable by law. - Sexual and physical violence are seen as the most serious forms of violence suffered by women with 85% of respondents in both cases considering that these are “very serious”. - There is strong support for EU involvement in eradicating domestic violence against women (87% of respondents feel that the EU should probably or definitely be involved). - However, while most people believe that laws are in place to prevent domestic violence, very few (14%) are familiar with specific EU measures to tackle the problem. Details: Brussels: European Commission, 2010. 222p. Source: Internet Resource: Special Eurobarometer 344: Accessed October 29, 2010 at: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_344_en.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Europe URL: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_344_en.pdf Shelf Number: 120132 Keywords: Domestic ViolenceFamily ViolencePublic OpinionSexual ViolenceVictims of Family Violence, Services forViolence Against Women |
Author: United Nations Development Programme - Afghanistan: Law and Order Trust Fund for Afghanistan Title: Police Perception Survey, 2009: The Afghan Perspective Summary: From July 9th to July 21st, 2009, the Afghan Center for Socio-Economic and Opinion Research (ACSOR) Surveys conducted a survey of public opinion for UNDP-Afghanistan on the subject of Police Performance and Public Safety perceptions. The main purpose of this study was to provide insight into the opinions of the people of Afghanistan with regard to various policing issues. ACSOR interviewed 5,156 Afghan respondents (2,827 males and 2,329 females), age 18 or older, across all 34 provinces of the country. In Afghanistan, security is the responsibility of several different groups. These include, but are not limited to, local law enforcement officials, Afghan National Police (ANP), Afghan National Army (ANA) and the National Department of Security (NDS). While questions pertaining to the security of Afghanistan as a whole are addresed, the majority of the questions focused on police in regard to local performance. The main results of the survey showed more positive trends about the police performance than generally perceived. Almost half of Afghans (49%) think the police in their area are controlling crime and 42% strongly agree that the police performance has improved over the past year. 67% of respondents believe that if better trained, police performance is very likely to improve, 65% believe that it is very likely that having better knowledge of the law will lead to improvement, and 58% believe that it is very likely that an increase in pay would improve performance. Under the current circumstances, 34% somewhat agree that police officers should receive higher salaries than teachers. Afghans are hopeful that improvements in the police force are both possible and forthcoming. Respondents also answered affirmatively that interaction between officers and the public are ways to improve police performance, with 65% saying that community meetings between police and local residents would improve security, as would police assistance in the development of “watch groups” (54%). Moreover, 52-54% of Afghans would like to see more female law enforcement officers, particularly to address crimes against women and children. On the negative side, Afghans still believe that corruption is widely present in the police force, in particular amongst those respondents in the Central/Kabul region where 27% of respondents say “a lot” of police misuse their authority, compared to 21% nationwide. There was also a 42% pervasive response, particularly among shop keepers, that gifts and bribes are necessary when interacting with officers. About half of Afghans (51%) think that when performing their duties, police officers in their area are partial in favor of their tribe; however, 52% think that when it comes to recruiting new police cadets, high-ranking police officers are not partial. Regarding security in general, most Afghans (80%) reported that the security situation in their area is good; of this, 96% among those living in Kabul and surrounding provinces. However, respondents in the East and South, as well as rural respondents in general, were less likely to view security as good. Details: Kabul, Afghanistan: UNDP Afghanistan Country Office, 2009. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2010 at: http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/UNDP_Afghanistan_PolicePerceptionSurvey2009.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Afghanistan URL: http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/UNDP_Afghanistan_PolicePerceptionSurvey2009.pdf Shelf Number: 120175 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice-Community RelationsPolicing (Afghanistan)Public Opinion |
Author: Beck, Adrian Title: Crime and Policing in Ukraine: The Kharkiv Crime Survey 2000 Summary: This is the first report from the Introducing Context-Specific Community Policing into Ukraine project. The project seeks to utilise the experience of western countries on community policing and to work in close partnership with colleagues in Ukraine to develop a programme of reform for the police. The current project is part of a broad range of assistance being offered by a number European countries and the United States to the police forces of the former socialist states in recent years. This help has come in a number of different forms ranging from organising seminars on international topics such as organised crime to the provision of specific equipment such as forensic and investigative tools. This project attempts to assist/foster the process of democratic police reform in Ukraine by initiating the change ‘from within’, through experimental testing and identification of various forms of improved police practice and co-operation with the public in preventing and solving crime. Overall, the project is organised into three phases: understanding the context; implementing schemes; and evaluating the impact. It has four distinct aims: To identify and understand the context within which community policing might take place within Ukraine; To introduce a number of context-specific forms of community policing within limited geographical police areas; To evaluate the effect such schemes have on the relationship between the community and the police, and on the levels of reported and recorded crime, and the fear of crime; and To develop a new module to be taught at Kharkiv University of Internal Affairs on Understanding and Implementing Community Policing in Ukraine, and to introduce a short course variant delivered as part of in-service training to existing police officers. This report presents the findings from the first phase of the project that was designed to identify some of the important prerequisites for the development of various forms of community policing. Without a complete grasp of the context within which any form of police reorganisation might take place, changes are likely to be misconstrued, mismanaged and ultimately meaningless. The context also provides the bedrock on which the implementation phase will be built. A cornerstone of community policing is the relationship between the police and the community. It was important therefore to first accurately measure what the public currently thought about crime and policing in their area – how do they view the problems of crime, what do they think about the police, would they be interested in becoming involved in ‘community policing’ style activities? Similarly, it was as important to ascertain what police officers thought – how do they view the public, do they see themselves as servants of the people or the state, what do they see as their own and the state’s priorities for the police in the future? Finally, collecting data on the levels of reported and recorded crime within the research areas was important in order to provide a benchmark for the later evaluation phase of the project. Detailed here are the findings from extensive surveys of the public in the two areas in the city of Kharkiv chosen to take part in the project. Over two thousand members of the public were interviewed as part of the research phase. In addition, all the available police officers in the two areas were interviewed as well. The report is organised into 11 sections. The first 5 sections map out the extent of victimisation and the levels of concern about a range of crime and nuisance problems in the two areas. It then goes on to look at what the public do to try and protect themselves and their possessions from crime. This is followed by a consideration of the relationship between the police and the public, focusing on the nature of contacts in the past and how the police and the public view each other. The report then considers attitudes towards police/public co-operation in the past and more importantly, in the future. It concludes by bringing the main findings together and makes a series of recommendations about the types of schemes that are most suitable for the next phase of the project. Details: Leicester, UK: Scarman Centre, University of Leicester, 2001. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2010 at: http://www2.le.ac.uk/departments/criminology/people/bna/CrimeandPolicinginUkrainetheKharkivCrimesurvey2000pdf Year: 2001 Country: Ukraine URL: http://www2.le.ac.uk/departments/criminology/people/bna/CrimeandPolicinginUkrainetheKharkivCrimesurvey2000pdf Shelf Number: 120178 Keywords: Community PolicingCrime SurveyPolice ReformPolice-Community RelationsPolicing (Ukraine)Public Opinion |
Author: Ipsos MORI, Social Research Institute Title: Police Accountability and Governance Structures: Public Attitudes and Perceptions Summary: This report presents the findings from qualitative research designed to explore public perceptions of police governance structures, and more specifically who the public feel should hold the Police to account. The research took place in four Police Force regions across England and Wales during the week commencing 23rd August 2010. Within each Police Force region one workshop took place. Workshops were deliberative in nature and were designed to allow participants to explore different options, including those proposed in the ‘Policing in the 21st Century – Reconnecting Police and the People’1 consultation paper. Qualitative research is designed to be exploratory and to enable in-depth understanding of views, not to be statistically representative. Conclusions therefore are indicative and not generalisable to the wider population. The research clearly showed that there is a general desire for greater visibility in police accountability. Participants felt a sense of reassurance in knowing the Police were currently and would continue to be held to account, and as such they wanted to be made more aware of any future model of governance. This translated into a strong preference for a visible and named figurehead for police accountability in each area. Participants thought that this figurehead should not only provide an element of visibility, but should also be a symbol of transparency and independence. Indeed, the need for independence was a particular focus for participants throughout discussions. Firstly, there was strong feeling that the role of a figurehead could not be carried out by someone with an obvious political allegiance. Secondly, it was felt that the role of the Police themselves in accountability needed to maintain a balance between ensuring their experience and expertise is maximised, while not allowing them to appear self-regulating in any sense. Linked to this the role of the Chief Constable was seen to be of great importance as providing a crucial link between Police Forces and the individual or body holding the Police to account. Despite participants having a strong preference for a local ‘figurehead’, only a minority of participants wanted an individual who would be solely responsible for holding the Police to account. The most common preferences for where responsibility should fall were either through a structure similar to that currently in place, or through a named-individual plus a scrutiny panel. Participants favouring this latter option envisaged that a scrutiny panel would work alongside a figurehead in both an advisory and scrutiny role. Interestingly, the desire for visibility and transparency did not necessarily translate into support for greater democratic involvement. Factors, such as a preconceived cynicism towards any Government devolving responsibility, and a questioning of the knowledge base on which an electorate would begin to decide who should take responsibility, made participants question this. For example, concerns were raised about possible divisive or corrupt candidates and as such there were calls for stringent vetting processes should it be decided that elections should take place. Participants also raised concerns about the cost burden of a formal election process. There was also a general consensus that those with relevant experience and expertise could be trusted to make suitable appointments for commissioner or panel roles. What mattered more to participants in terms of lay involvement would include: being able to feedback their experiences and opinions on crime in their local area to Police Officers through regular meetings, which those holding the Police to account would attend; making sure community members are in some way represented on an advisory or scrutiny panel, possibly through a process of election; and making sure the voices of key lay individuals are included in decision-making. This included groups such as victims of crime and young people. The future of police accountability. Based on the above key findings, it is possible to build a structure of police governance that summarised the consensus view of workshop participants. Details: London: Ipsos MORI, 2010. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 7, 2010 at: http://www.ipsos-mori.com/DownloadPublication/1387_sri-crime-police-accountability-and-governance-structures-september-2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.ipsos-mori.com/DownloadPublication/1387_sri-crime-police-accountability-and-governance-structures-september-2010.pdf Shelf Number: 120401 Keywords: Police Accountability (U.K.)Police-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Citizen's Crime Commission of New York City Title: Police and Public Safety in New York City Summary: This study of police operations, crime and public safety in New York discusses recent trends in law enforcement including the increased importance of counter-terrorism police work in the post-Sept. 11 environment. It also includes the results of surveying work regarding public perceptions about neighborhood safety, police and police-community relations, and quality of life enforcement. These findings are presented both at the citywide level and also broken down by borough and ethnicity. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2004. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 8, 2010 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/1247.pdf Year: 2004 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/1247.pdf Shelf Number: 120417 Keywords: Counter-TerrorismPolice-Community RelationsPolicing (New York City)Public OpinionPublic Safety |
Author: Charlton, Michelle Title: Exploring Public Confidence in the Police and Local Councils in Tackling Crime and Anti-Social Behaviour Summary: This report provides findings from discussion groups held with local residents across England and Wales on the reasons underpinning responses to a question in the British Crime Survey (BCS) that measures public confidence in the police and local council to tackle crime and anti-social behaviour (ASB). Eighteen groups took place between 18 January and 3 February 2010. Participants were given a questionnaire to complete at the beginning and end of each discussion group which included the BCS question; responses were then used to prompt discussion during the course of the groups. The main implications for how to improve public confidence are as follows. ● Increasing awareness of the role and work undertaken by the police and council in tackling crime and ASB is perceived to be key to improving public confidence. This is particularly important with respect to Neighbourhood Policing and understanding the role of the local council. Passive communication, using a channel that people are already engaged with, e.g. radio, is perceived to be effective in building this awareness. ● Engaging the public with the police and council should be made as straightforward as possible to encourage community involvement. Engagement activities need to be taken to residents in environments in which they are comfortable or through existing channels. ● Providing prompt feedback on the outcomes of cases was seen as an important means of providing reassurance that action is being taken. ● Any local agreement setting out public standards of service should: be concise and user-friendly; be firm in its promises, therefore underlying the intention to fulfil them; provide guidance on how to hold the police and/or council to account. ● More information could be provided on: the council’s role in dealing with crime and ASB; the activities being undertaken to address these issues; the impact of community consultation on the council’s ASB policy; and a clear guide on who to contact in the council and expected response times. ● Local councils can play a role in facilitating greater dialogue between residents and the police. People appear to be engaging with the council through meetings, newsletters and other forums, and these means can be used to provide feedback on crime and ASB issues. Neighbourhood Policing appears to fit the public’s desired model of policing but awareness needs to be improved if Neighbourhood Policing is to be effective in raising confidence. Participants said they would welcome the opportunity to meet their Neighbourhood Policing Teams in person, in informal settings, as well as to have a greater involvement in local priority setting. ● Participants were unconcerned with the mechanics of local partnerships; they were more interested in the outcomes. One of the most popular initiatives appeared to be a single non-emergency number. While this was felt to simplify the reporting of issues, it needed to result in clear action being taken for it to have the potential to raise confidence. Details: London: Home Office, 2011. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 50: Accessed March 22, 2011 at: http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs11/horr50c.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs11/horr50c.pdf Shelf Number: 121094 Keywords: Antisocial BehaviorCommunity Policing (U.K.)Police-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Innes, Martin Title: Rethinking the Policing of Anti-Social Behaviour Summary: This study develops an evidence-led perspective on the police response to antisocial behaviour (ASB). By starting with the views of victims and the public about the effectiveness of the police management of ASB and working back from these, the research is able to develop new insights in terms of what the police can do to reduce the social harm caused by ASB within and across communities. It is based upon an analysis integrating data from a survey of 5699 ASB victims, the British Crime Survey and Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary’s assessment of police system quality. The analysis identifies two major issues for the police in that: • Aspects of the systems and processes used in many police forces for managing ASB have a negative impact upon victims and the public. In particular, where police seek to manage demand for their services through a robust ‘graded response’ policy, this can be interpreted very negatively by the public when they call the police about ASB issues. • Relatedly, some community safety partnerships appear to be too inward facing and are failing to deliver services that meet the needs of ASB victims in terms of stopping problems in a reasonable time-frame. These findings directly challenge some key tenets of current thinking about responding to ASB within the police service and across the criminal justice sector. In addition, the research identifies ‘what works’ in managing ASB. Those police forces who performed best in the eyes of ASB victims and the public: • Brief Neighbourhood Policing teams, response officers and CID thoroughly about ASB issues, and specific local problems; • Use systematic intelligence processes to manage and co-ordinate their responses to ASB; • Ensure that Neighbourhood Policing teams are equipped and resourced to engage in tactical and strategic problem-solving of ASB issues. When people bring ASB to the attention of the police, more often than not, it is because it is harming them, and they want someone to take action to stop it and quickly. There is a clear and consistent pattern of evidence that where police do not attend and respond adequately to ASB issues this has a strongly negative impact upon public confidence and satisfaction. Details: London: Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary, 2010. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 22, 2011 at:http://www.hmic.gov.uk/SiteCollectionDocuments/Anti-social_behaviour_2010/ASB_ACA_20100923.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/SiteCollectionDocuments/Anti-social_behaviour_2010/ASB_ACA_20100923.pdf Shelf Number: 121091 Keywords: Antisocial Behavior (U.K.)Police-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Gelb, Karen Title: Alternatives to Imprisonment: Community Views in Victoria Summary: Public and political debate about the use of imprisonment is vigorous. Over the past three decades Victoria’s prison population has steadily increased from 1,573 prisoners in 1977 to 2,467 prisoners in 1995 to 4,537 in 2010. Taking into account the growth of the general population, the imprisonment rate has increased by 50.9% over the last twenty years, from 69.9 prisoners per 100,000 adults in 1990 to 105.5 in 2010. In the last decade alone the imprisonment rate has grown by 22.1%. Over this same period the community corrections rate has increased by 19.5%. The increase in imprisonment rate may reflect changes in patterns of offending, in police practices or in the characteristics of people coming before the courts. However, it may also indicate that both parliament and the courts have been responding to perceived community concerns and debates about tougher sentencing. Such debates are not uncommon, with an increasing imprisonment rate being seen as a response that aims to reduce crime, deter would-be criminals and punish offenders both appropriately and in line with ‘community expectations’. Yet there is very little published scientific evidence in Victoria that identifies ‘community expectations’ – that reveals community attitudes to imprisonment and its alternatives. This report attempts to redress this dearth of published evidence on community views by examining the results of a survey of public attitudes to imprisonment and the use of alternatives to imprisonment. The evidence shows that community views are more complex and nuanced than is often characterised: Victorians are willing to accept alternatives to imprisonment as useful sentencing options. Details: Melbourne: Sentencing Advisory Council, 2011. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2011 at: http://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/alternatives_to_imprisonment_community_views_in_victoria.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/alternatives_to_imprisonment_community_views_in_victoria.pdf Shelf Number: 121271 Keywords: Alternatives to IncarcerationCommunity CorrectionsIncarceration RatesPublic OpinionSentencing (Australia) |
Author: Mallick, Jane Title: Drugs and Driving in Australia: A Survey of Community Attitudes, Experience and Understanding Summary: Australian efforts to increase road safety, such as initiatives targeting drink driving, speeding and the use of seat belts, have seen considerable reductions in road trauma in the past 30 years. There is recent evidence to suggest that drugs other than alcohol, both licit (for example, pharmaceutical drugs) and illicit (for example, cannabis, methamphetamines and ecstasy) are associated with impaired driving ability and, thus, road trauma. There remain, however, many questions regarding drug driving in Australia. For instance, little is known about the prevalence of drug driving within the general population, or about the attitudes and perceptions of drivers in relation to drug driving. Such information is important to inform the development of effective prevention and road safety countermeasures. Further, although much of the previous research, policy and media attention have focused on illicit drugs, there is increasing evidence that pharmaceutical drugs impair driving ability and thus may be a road safety concern. There is, however, little information regarding the prevalence of driving following pharmaceutical drug use and the community’s attitudes and perceptions towards the use of such drugs and driving. It was the aim of this research to address some of the gaps in the knowledge by exploring the Australian community’s attitudes, experience and understanding of drugs and driving, in relation to alcohol, illicit drugs and pharmaceutical drugs. The ultimate aim was to inform the development of effective policy, and information and education campaigns, targeting drug driving. The research consisted of three stages: a review of the literature regarding drug driving; in-depth interviews with 20 key stakeholders from the Australian drug and alcohol and/or road safety sectors; and an Internet survey of Australian drivers (N=6801). The focus of the data collected from these three sources was on the prevalence of drug driving in Australia; the driving impairment associated with drug use; the attitudes and perceptions of drivers towards drugs and driving; and the road safety countermeasures adopted to address drugs and driving. Details: Melbourne, Australia: Australian Drug Foundation, 2007. 104p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 24, 2011 at: http://www.druginfo.adf.org.au/attachments/400_Drugs_and_Driving_in_Australia_fullreport.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Australia URL: http://www.druginfo.adf.org.au/attachments/400_Drugs_and_Driving_in_Australia_fullreport.pdf Shelf Number: 121792 Keywords: Driving Under the Influence of DrugsDrug AbuseDrugged Driving (Australia)Drugs and DrivingPublic Opinion |
Author: Gelb, Karen Title: Predictors of Punitiveness: Community Views in Victoria Summary: This Sentencing Matters paper examines the predictors of punitiveness among a sample of Victorians. The paper is based on the Victorian component of a national survey of public attitudes to sentencing. This report shows that, in response to abstract questions about sentencing, members of the Victorian public are moderately punitive. Some people are more punitive than others, with several factors underlying punitive attitudes. Beliefs about the courts and sentencing, and perceptions of increasing crime, bear the strongest relationships with levels of punitiveness. Greater punitiveness is also more evident among those who use commercial/tabloid media as their main source of information on crime and punishment, as well as those with less education and those who attest to being politically conservative. Details: Melbourne: Sentencing Advisory Council, 2011. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Sentencing Matters: Accessed July 26, 2011 at: http://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/predictors_of_punitiveness_community_views_in_victoria.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/predictors_of_punitiveness_community_views_in_victoria.pdf Shelf Number: 122162 Keywords: Public OpinionPunishmentSentencing (Australia) |
Author: Gelb, Karen Title: Purposes of Sentencing: Community Views in Victoria Summary: This Sentencing Matters paper considers people's preferences for the main purposes of sentencing for offenders in a range of case studies. The paper is based on the Victorian component of a national survey of public attitudes to sentencing. The report shows that views on the purposes of sentencing are complex and nuanced. Participants in this study do not focus solely on punishment as a purpose of sentencing, but also see rehabilitation as an important purpose of sentencing in certain instances. These findings show that people rate prior offending as a significant aggravating factor. Indeed, members of the community who responded to this survey clearly appreciate the complexities of sentencing for different types of offender and offence. This appreciation and understanding has important implications for sentencers. Judges and magistrates are required to balance the various purposes of sentencing for every offender who comes before them. At the same time, they have to consider community concerns and expectations of what sentencing should achieve. This report provides evidence that, like the judges and magistrates themselves, people adopt an individualised approach to sentencing, tailoring their preferences for the main purpose of sentencing to the circumstances of each specific case before them. Details: Melbourne: Sentencing Advisory Council, 2011. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Sentencing Matters: Accessed July 26, 2011 at: http://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/purposes_of_sentencing_community_views_in_victoria.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/purposes_of_sentencing_community_views_in_victoria.pdf Shelf Number: 122163 Keywords: Public OpinionPunishmentSentencing (Australia) |
Author: Van Slyke, Shanna Title: Social Identification and Public Opinion on White-Collar Crime Summary: White-collar crime accounts for billions of dollars in annual losses but traditionally has been viewed as less serious and less deserving of harsh punishment compared with street crime. This pattern can be observed in public opinion surveys, law-enforcement resource allocations, and criminal justice system sanctioning. Scholars usually distinguish between different types of white-collar crime — bitterly noting the irony that broadened definitions of white-collar crime have perpetuated status-based disparities the very concept was designed to bring to light. Some of these scholars, particularly those study public perceptions, have begun to question the conventional wisdom of widespread public apathy toward the crimes of U.S. economic and political elites. They have pointed at Watergate in the 1970s, the savings and loan crisis of the late 1980s and early 1990s, and the wave of national corporate financial failures emerging in 2001–2002, and they have proposed that public outrage stemming from these widely publicized political and economic scandals should serve as a catalyst for sentencing reform that would more accurately tailor punishments to the harms caused. Lengthy prison sentences given to corporate executives and chairman—such as Bernie Madoff’s June 2009 150-year prison sentence—seem to support the argument that a national attitudinal shift has translated into more severe punishments for white-collar offenders. But one could characterize recent severe white-collar sentences—most notably in this regard, Shalom Weiss’s 840-year prison term — as aberrations that are both expressively powerful and functionally indistinguishable from a life sentence with no chance of parole. As such, far from bridging the gap between harm and punishment, these extreme reactions would also fail to represent the majority of white-collar offenders’ experiences with the criminal justice system. Despite financial losses stemming from white-collar crime, most white-collar offenders are not prosecuted as criminal offenders and do not comprise the bulk of U.S. jail and prison populations. The present study addresses this paradox between harm caused, perceived seriousness and desired punitiveness, and the theoretical void in the white-collar crime literature by incorporating the concepts of ingroup favoritism and outgroup hostility from the social psychological literature on social identity theory. The study’s purposes, then, are to determine whether there are observable differences in punitiveness toward white-collar and street offenders and then to test the applicability of the proposed integrated theory to explaining punitiveness by employing a representative telephone survey of 400 Floridian adults in 2008. The survey tested 10 hypotheses in several ways: An offense- and an offender-based definition of white-collar crime is used as well as nonviolent economic street crime, incarceration and disenfranchisement support serve as dependent variables; and two forms of offender identification (social and racial) and two forms of threats (offense seriousness and victim identification) are assessed. Incarceration support is modeled for six offenses: elite white-collar crime (corporate fraud and government bribery), consumer fraud white-collar crimes (false advertising and car sales fraud), and nonviolent economic street crimes (motor vehicle theft and burglary). The six offenses were then collapsed into three crime categories designed to represent three basic social status groups and to address the white-collar crime definitional debate: elite white-collar crime (high-status white-collar crime), consumer fraud white-collar crime (middle-status white-collar crime), and nonviolent economic street crime (low-status non-white-collar crime). No violent street crimes were included to enhance the comparability between the street crimes and white-collar crimes; likewise, the selected street crimes were economically motivated so they would also have the same basic motive (unlike non-violent street crimes like vandalism or drug use). Bivariate correlations revealed differences in public opinion, but the definition of white-collar crime (i.e., offense or offender based) and the measure of punitiveness (i.e., support for incarceration and for disenfranchisement) impacted the results. Multivariate logistic regression results indicate that offense seriousness had the consistent effect on increasing punitiveness for street crimes, but rarely influenced punishment recommendations for white-collar crimes—particularly those of the powerful corporate and government elites. However, little support emerged supporting the hypotheses derived from social identity theory. Rarely have past studies identified variables that are related to punitiveness toward white-collar offenders, be they theoretical or control variables. The present study, on the other hand, drew from the available research literature, identified the theoretical concept of social identification, and empirically tested this concept’s association with incarceration and disenfranchisement recommendations for white-collar and street property offenders. Social identification was not always related to punitiveness; moreover, the hypothesized positive effect of social identification interacting with perceived seriousness failed to materialize. Yet social identification itself increased punitiveness in several models and this is an advancement of our knowledge about public opinion on white-collar crime—albeit an advancement in need of refinement. Theoretically, this study introduced the idea of social identity to the study of white-collar crime, a phenomenon that has long been anecdotally characterized as crime by seemingly normal and respectable individuals, but which has recently exhibited signs of increased governmental intervention and sanctioning. The unexpected findings were explained by drawing upon labeling theory and by discussing the differential roles of information in influencing punitive attitudes. A different causal model is then suggested wherein strength of incriminating evidence is predicted to moderate the effect of social identification on punitiveness toward white-collar offenders. In this revised model to be tested in future research, social identification is not predicted to interact with seriousness to influence punitiveness; rather, it is hypothesized to influence punitiveness indirectly through its influence on perceptions of guilt. The conclusion focuses upon the contradiction between the U.S. government’s relative neglect of white-collar crime and contemporary empirical evidence on public punitiveness toward white-collar and street offenders. Bernie Madoff’s recent 150-year is revisited, and it is concluded that recent examples of harsh white-collar crime sanctioning do not reflect a significant shift in attitudes. Instead, returning to social identity theory, it is proposed that certain offenders have gotten singled out in order to for the government send a symbolic message of intolerance toward corporate crime while at the same time, the criminogenic opportunity and motivation structures of U.S. finance capitalism are left untouched and ineffectively regulated, thus perpetuating the problem of white-collar crime. Details: Tallahassee: Florida State University, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 2009. 144p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed August 17, 2011 at: http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-10272009-160114/ Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-10272009-160114/ Shelf Number: 122424 Keywords: Consumer FraudPublic AttitudesPublic OpinionPunishmentWhite-Collar Crime |
Author: McLaren, Fleur Title: Attitudes, Values and Beliefs about Violence within Families: 2008 Survey Findings Summary: Many risk factors have been identified that increase the likelihood of being a victim or perpetrator of violence within a family. With the number of risk factors identified, there is no one solution for preventing violence within families. Attitudes, values and beliefs that support or excuse violence towards family members are strongly linked with family violence. Previous research suggests that the attitudes, values and beliefs held by individuals who engage in violence in intimate relationships are significantly different to those held by the general public (Gwartney-Gibbs & Stockard 1989). Those who hold attitudes accepting of violence are more at risk of engaging in violence (Nabors, Dietz & Jasinski 2006; Cercone, Beach & Arias 2005). The Attitudes, Values and Beliefs Survey (the survey) was developed to measure the attitudes, values and beliefs held by New Zealanders with regard to violence within families as part of the Campaign for Action on Family Violence. The objectives of the survey were to: gauge New Zealanders’ definitions of family violence measure the awareness of family violence measure the attitudes in New Zealand about family violence gauge the propensity of New Zealanders to take action against family violence. Details: Wellington, NZ: Centre for Social Research and Evaluation, 2010. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 2, 2011 at: http://www.msd.govt.nz/documents/about-msd-and-our-work/publications-resources/research/campaign-action-violence-research/attitudes-values-and-beliefs-about-violence-within-families.pdf Year: 2010 Country: New Zealand URL: http://www.msd.govt.nz/documents/about-msd-and-our-work/publications-resources/research/campaign-action-violence-research/attitudes-values-and-beliefs-about-violence-within-families.pdf Shelf Number: 122612 Keywords: Domestic Violence (New Zealand)Family ViolenceIntimate Partner ViolencePublic Opinion |
Author: Gelb, Karen Title: Predictors of Confidence: Community Views in Victoria Summary: This report is the fourth in a series1 on community views about crime, courts and sentencing. It presents evidence about the predictors of confidence in the courts and sentencing in a random sample of 1,200 Victorians. This report shows that members of the Victorian public are moderately confident in their courts and in judges’ ability to impose appropriate sentences. Some people are more confident than others, with several factors underlying confidence in the courts and sentencing. People who are less punitive, who are more accepting of information presented by the media and who do not perceive crime to be increasing have the highest levels of confidence in the courts and sentencing. Higher levels of confidence are also evident among those with a higher income and younger respondents. The prominence of the attitudinal factors highlights the connections among confidence in sentencing, punitiveness and knowledge of crime. These connections have implications for the ways in which the courts and the criminal justice system more generally tackle the question of public confidence. Public confidence in the criminal justice system is a high priority for governments in many western countries, with public education and information campaigns, court media liaison officers, accessible websites, large national conferences and public surveys all contributing to efforts to promote confidence in the administration of justice. Understanding the drivers of confidence in the courts and sentencing is another important facet of these efforts. With greater understanding come greater opportunities for developing initiatives to improve public confidence. Given the strong constellation of factors identified in this report, any attempt to improve public confidence in the courts will, of necessity, need to consider levels of public punitiveness and people’s perceptions of crime as well. Details: Melbourne: Sentencing Advisory Council, 2011. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Sentencing Matters: Accessed September 2, 2011 at: http://sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/predictors_of_confidence_community_views_in_victoria_0.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Austria URL: http://sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/predictors_of_confidence_community_views_in_victoria_0.pdf Shelf Number: 122621 Keywords: CourtsPublic OpinionPunishmentSentencing (Australia) |
Author: Gelb, Karen Title: Predictors of Confidence: Community Views in Victoria Summary: This report is the fourth in a series1 on community views about crime, courts and sentencing. It presents evidence about the predictors of confidence in the courts and sentencing in a random sample of 1,200 Victorians. This report shows that members of the Victorian public are moderately confident in their courts and in judges’ ability to impose appropriate sentences. Some people are more confident than others, with several factors underlying confidence in the courts and sentencing. People who are less punitive, who are more accepting of information presented by the media and who do not perceive crime to be increasing have the highest levels of confidence in the courts and sentencing. Higher levels of confidence are also evident among those with a higher income and younger respondents. The prominence of the attitudinal factors highlights the connections among confidence in sentencing, punitiveness and knowledge of crime. These connections have implications for the ways in which the courts and the criminal justice system more generally tackle the question of public confidence. Public confidence in the criminal justice system is a high priority for governments in many western countries, with public education and information campaigns, court media liaison officers, accessible websites, large national conferences and public surveys all contributing to efforts to promote confidence in the administration of justice. Understanding the drivers of confidence in the courts and sentencing is another important facet of these efforts. With greater understanding come greater opportunities for developing initiatives to improve public confidence. Given the strong constellation of factors identified in this report, any attempt to improve public confidence in the courts will, of necessity, need to consider levels of public punitiveness and people’s perceptions of crime as well. Details: Melbourne: Sentencing Advisory Council, 2011. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Sentencing Matters Series: Accessed September 6, 2011 at: http://sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/predictors_of_confidence_community_views_in_victoria_0.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/predictors_of_confidence_community_views_in_victoria_0.pdf Shelf Number: 122648 Keywords: CourtsPublic OpinionPunishmentSentencing (Australia) |
Author: Metropolitan Police Authority. Civil Liberties Panel Title: Protecting the Innocent: The London Experience of DNA and the National DNA Database Summary: The MPA Civil Liberties Panel, which reports to the MPA Full Authority, was set up as a part of Met Forward, the MPA’s strategic plan. It was established as a means of improving public confidence in policing and ensuring the MPS maintains public trust. The use of DNA in policing is arguably one of the biggest advances in crime investigation since fingerprinting was first used in the early 20th Century. DNA is also highly emotive; it is personal and unique to an individual and when taken allows a significant amount of information to be known about a person. This means the public need to be confident that the police and the government use DNA and DNA records in a way that respects their fundamental right to privacy and protects their civil liberties. With this in mind, the panel have chosen to focus only on DNA that is taken from an individual by the police, for the purposes of investigating crime, including the operation of the DNA Database. Therefore, this review is not concerned with DNA that is obtained from crime scenes (for example, traces of DNA have been found on cigarette butts which have helped secure a conviction for murder). The panel does not dispute the need to take and retain DNA taken from a crime scene in order to assist with the investigation and identification of suspects, nor does it have concerns about the manner in which this is done and processed. The Panel prioritised ‘DNA’ because of the following: • The UK has a higher percentage (8.4%) of its population on a DNA database compared to anywhere else in the world. On 31st July 2010, the estimated total number of individuals retained on the DNA Database was 5.1 million. • The DNA Database contains the DNA profiles of all those convicted for a recordable offence since 1996. However, a change in legislation in 2001 allowed for the retention of DNA on arrest. The DNA Database currently holds all DNA profiles indefinitely, irrespective of whether they have been convicted of committing an offence. Approximately 1 million people or 1 in 5 of those on the DNA database have not been convicted of any offence. • 16% of DNA profiles on the DNA Database are from non-white ethnic groups. The 2001 census identified that 7.9% of the UK population comprised of non white ethnic groups4. Ethnicity monitoring in relation to the DNA Database is based on police ethnic appearance codes (please see Glossary for details) which require the police officer to make their own judgement of an individual’s ethnic appearance on the basis of 6 categories. This differs to the self defined ethnicity codes (please see Glossary for details) used throughout the criminal justice system. A total of 118,990 DNA samples were taken by the Metropolitan Police during 2009/10. There are no records held centrally regarding the total number of DNA samples taken by UK police forces in 2009/10. Of the DNA samples taken by the MPS in 2009/10: • 50% of these samples were taken from white people (71% of London’s population is white6); 49% were taken from black and Asian ethnic groups7 (23% of London’s population comprises of black and Asian ethnic groups). The largest age group represented was 25-44yrs old (45%). Nearly 20% of samples were taken from young people aged 10-17. Public concerns have been raised about the disproportionate representation of some groups and communities on the DNA Database. In December 2008 the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) ruled in the case of S & Marper v The United Kingdom that indefinite retention of DNA profiles and samples on the National DNA Database was in breach of Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights, the right to respect for private and family life. The government has recently introduced the Protection of Freedoms Bill which sets out to balance civil liberties and the protection of the public, and in doing so address the issues outlined above. A recent decision by the Supreme Court echoes the ECHR decision in the case of S & Marper. Her Majesty’s Inspectorates for both the Police and the Prison Service are also conducting joint inspections of police custody facilities as part of a six year programme commencing in 2008. Some of the inspections undertaken across England and Wales, including a number of MPS boroughs in London have exposed deficiencies in relation to the management and storage of DNA within custody, including DNA samples not being correctly processed and labelled and on one occasion, DNA samples being stored alongside foodstuffs. The overarching purpose of this review is to ensure that DNA is managed and handled appropriately by the MPS with the necessary safeguards in place in order to strengthen public confidence. Our review has focused on the experience of Londoners, including many who have had their DNA taken by police. Our report provides an illustration of what happens to DNA when it is taken by police from an individual, through to its inclusion on the National DNA Database. As part of our review we examined this whole process in detail, focusing on the impact on individuals and on specific groups, on their perceptions, fears and concerns. Details: London: MPA, 2011. 99p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 13, 2011 at: http://www.mpa.gov.uk/downloads/committees/mpa/110630-04-appendix01.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.mpa.gov.uk/downloads/committees/mpa/110630-04-appendix01.pdf Shelf Number: 122726 Keywords: Civil LibertiesCriminal InvestigationsDNA TypingPolicing (U.K.)Public Opinion |
Author: Myhill, Andy Title: It's a Fair Cop? Police Legitimacy, Public Cooperation, and Crime Reduction. An Interpretative Evidence Commentary Summary: This paper is an interpretative commentary rather than a straightforward summary of research findings. The paper draws on robust research evidence, but does not review or formally assess the quality of all the available evidence. • The next few years will be challenging for a police service expected to reduce crime with fewer resources. Forces will inevitably have to make hard choices on what to prioritise in order to achieve this goal. Ideally, these decisions should be based on a clear understanding of how crime can be prevented, and which policing activities are cost-effective. • New research by the National Policing Improvement Agency (NPIA) and London School of Economics suggests a policing approach that motivates the public to cooperate with the police and to not break the law could have significant benefits. As this approach seeks to encourage people to become more cooperative and socially responsible on a voluntary basis, by ‘winning hearts and minds’, it potentially offers a cost-effective way of reducing crime. • The NPIA study is in line with a growing international body of research. This research arguably has particular relevance to England and Wales because the relationship between the police and public has historically been defined in terms of ‘policing by consent’ – the idea that the police can only function because of the support given to it by the public. As public support is conditional and unlikely ever to be universal, ‘policing by consent’ raises important questions about the role the police are expected to perform and how officers are expected to act. This idea has continuing relevance to present day policing as it helps define the remit of the police service and mark out an important way in which it can fulfil its ‘core mission’. • The NPIA study – based on a robust national survey of the public – explored what motivated people to cooperate with the police (e.g. reporting crime and suspicious activity, and providing information to help catch offenders) and not breaking the law. Analysis found that the most important factor motivating people to cooperate and not break the law was the legitimacy of the police. When people thought the police were on the ‘same side’ as them, they were significantly less likely to say they had committed an offence and more inclined to say they would help with the police. Crucially, police legitimacy had a stronger effect on these outcomes than the perceived likelihood of people being caught and punished for breaking the law. • Trust and shared values were found to be key aspects of legitimacy. These attitudes were largely fostered by the perception of police fairness and not by the perception of police effectiveness (in terms of responding to emergencies, preventing and detecting crime, and keeping order). In other words, the legitimacy of the police in the eyes of the public was primarily based on people thinking officers would treat them with respect, make fair decisions and take time to explain them, and be friendly and approachable. • These findings have important implications for the police service. They show that fair decision-making and positive public interaction are not only important in their own right, but are also crucial for crime reduction in the longer term. The research suggests that the way officers behave is central to policing as it can encourage greater respect for the law and foster social responsibility. As the effect on crime would be largely preventive and rely on voluntary public cooperation, improved public encounters could help the police avoid the financial costs associated with enforcing the law, detecting crime, and processing offenders. • When forces decide how best to reduce crime with fewer resources, they should consider whether their proposed approach would enhance or undermine police legitimacy in the eyes of the public. While a narrow focus on enforcing the law might appeal to traditional ‘cop culture’, it was not found to have the strongest effect on cooperation and compliance, and might even be counter-productive in the longer-term if it is perceived to be unfair. • Widespread cultural change is likely to be required if the police are to capitalise on public cooperation. Other research by the NPIA on the police use of time, for example, has highlighted a prevailing view among officers that visible patrol is key to being effective, and that less value was place on interacting positively with the public. To help address these wider issues, the NPIA is currently providing support to two forces to understand the role leadership plays in shaping the values of frontline officers, and to evaluate the impact of innovative training on police contact with crime victims. Details: London: NPIA (National Policing Improvement Agency), 2011. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 17, 2011 at: http://www.npia.police.uk/en/docs/Fair_cop_Full_Report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.npia.police.uk/en/docs/Fair_cop_Full_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 123036 Keywords: Police LegitimacyPolice-Citizen InteractionPolice-Community Relations (U.K.)Public Opinion |
Author: Jackson, Jonathan Title: Trust in Justice: Topline Results from Round 5 of the European Social Survey Summary: Breakdown in trust appears to be at the heart of problems with our political institutions, with sectarian and religious conflict, and with the series of financial crises that are facing Europe. The causes of this breakdown in trust are central to current political and social debate. It is not surprising, therefore, that criminologists have also become interested in questions about trust in justice, the legitimacy of justice institutions, and people’s commitment to the rule of law. The fifth round of the ESS – which includes 45 questions on Trust in Justice – was conducted at the end of 2010 in 28 European countries. In this report we present key findings from the 20 countries for which comparative data were available in November 2011. Around 39,000 interviews were completed across the 20 countries, with each country organising its own translation and fieldwork, to standards specified by the ESS Core Scientific Team. Face-to-face interviews were conducted in people’s homes. Details: London: European Social Survey, 2011. 12p. Source: ESS Topline Results Series, Issue 1: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 27, 2012 at http://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_download&gid=903&Itemid=80 Year: 2011 Country: Europe URL: http://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_download&gid=903&Itemid=80 Shelf Number: 123837 Keywords: Demographic Trends (Europe)Government LegitimacyPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Jantjies, Janine Title: Gender dynamics and girls' perceptions of crime and violence Summary: This paper outlines the preliminary findings of a research study conducted by the CJCP, which focuses on female perceptions of, and possible complicity in, male criminal activity. The findings suggest that females subscribe to traditional gender views and expect males to be the provider and protector in relationships, a central feature of hegemonic (or ideal) masculinity. A previous study conducted by the CJCP on males found that there was a major focus on acquiring material goods. The current study found that females also place great value on material possessions and view these as a symbol of love and affection in a relationship. This expectation can pressure males in economically deprived communities to acquire goods in illegitimate ways, just to ensure that their girlfriends do not leave them. This paper explores females’ expectations and perceptions of male roles and discusses how these beliefs shape romantic encounters among adolescents in South Africa. The traditional gender views and values held by many girls in the study indicate that the socialisation of children and youth in South Africa can impact on the country’s crime situation. A monograph will be published soon, which discusses the findings in more detail. Details: Claremont, South Africa: CJCP - Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention, 2011. 12p. Source: CJCP Issue Paper No. 11: Internet Resource: Accessed on February 3, 2012 at http://www.cjcp.org.za/admin/uploads/Issue%20Paper%2011-3.pdf Year: 2011 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.cjcp.org.za/admin/uploads/Issue%20Paper%2011-3.pdf Shelf Number: 123945 Keywords: GenderMale OffendersPublic OpinionRisk Perception |
Author: Robinson, Paul H. Title: Crime and Punishment in New Jersey: The Criminal Code and Public Opinion on Sentencing Summary: This groundbreaking report contains two major findings: The first finding comes from the survey of 222 New Jersey residents regarding their opinions on the level of seriousness (and thus punishment) of 108 criminal offenses. For almost 90 percent of the offenses about which New Jersey residents were asked their opinion, the survey respondents categorized the offenses as belonging in a less serious category, and therefore deserving of a less serious penalty, than what is actually mandated by the criminal code. In other words, the penalties contained in the criminal code are at odds with the values of New Jersey residents. The second finding is that the structural flaws of the original criminal code, exacerbated by years of amendments and additions, have created a seriously flawed system of offenses and penalties. New Jersey enacted its Code of Criminal Justice in 1978. The code established a comprehensive list of 243 critical offenses and suboffenses. Since then there has been an enormous number of offense-related legislative amendments: 863 – an average of nearly 29 amendments every year for 30 years. The large number of amendments has seriously degraded the original criminal code and produced an increasingly convoluted body of law riddled with grading irrationalities and internal inconsistencies. Today, there are 650 offenses listed in the criminal code and another 904 offenses that have been added in New Jersey statutes other than the criminal code for a total of 1,554 total criminal offenses. This stunning growth has resulted in a code that has become increasingly irrational in its categorization (and punishment) of offenses and unfair in its application. Details: Trenton, NJ: Drug Policy Alliance, 2011. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 19, 2012 at http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Crime%20and%20Punishment%20In%20New%20Jersey%20With%20All%20Appendices%20FINAL_0.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Crime%20and%20Punishment%20In%20New%20Jersey%20With%20All%20Appendices%20FINAL_0.pdf Shelf Number: 124184 Keywords: Public OpinionSentencing (New Jersey) |
Author: Franklyn, Ramona Title: Satisfaction and willingness to engage with the Criminal Justice System - Findings from the Witness and Victim Experience Survey, 2009-10 Summary: Ensuring that victims and witnesses are supported to participate in the Criminal Justice System (CJS) and are satisfied with their contact with the CJS is important for the delivery of justice. This report examines the experiences and perceptions of victims and witnesses involved in cases of violence against the person, robbery, burglary, criminal damage and theft and handling stolen goods in which someone was charged. It provides an overview of their experiences, before examining the factors most strongly associated with victim and witness satisfaction and their willingness to engage with the CJS again in future. The findings are based on analyses of the Witness and Victim Experience Survey (WAVES), a large-scale survey of such victims and witnesses, undertaken in England and Wales. Details: London: Ministry of Justice, 2012. 116p. Source: Ministry of Justice Research Series 1/12: Internet Resource: Accessed February 21, 2012 at http://www.justice.gov.uk/downloads/publications/research-and-analysis/moj-research/satisfaction-willingness-to-engage-with-cjs.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.justice.gov.uk/downloads/publications/research-and-analysis/moj-research/satisfaction-willingness-to-engage-with-cjs.pdf Shelf Number: 124213 Keywords: Police-Community RelationsPublic OpinionVictimization SurveysVictims of Crime (U.K.)Witnesses |
Author: Huhn, Sebastian Title: Discourses on Violence in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua: Social Perceptions in Everyday Life Summary: Central America has the reputation of being a violent region with high crime rates, youth gangs, drug traffic, and ubiquitous insecurity. Politicians, the media, and social scientists in and outside the region often claim that the societies are in complete agreement with their judgment of the situation and that all society members are calling for law and order and social segregation. Focusing on Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, the paper analyzes the social perception of violence and crime. On the basis of essays written by secondary school students and interviews with citizens from all walks of life in the three countries, the paper points out how elite arguments on violence and crime are translated into everyday life, and what society members suggest be done to deal with these problems. The sources prove that there are noticeable hegemonic discourses on violence and crime in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. Simultaneously, a majority of the respondents call for social and integrative solutions rather than the so-called “iron fist.” The repressive trend in Central American policies therefore does not necessarily receive the presumed affirmation asserted by many authorities on and in the region. Details: Hamburg, Germany: GIGA Research Programme, Violence, Power and Security, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), 2008. 31p. Source: GIGA Working Paper No. 81: Internet Resource: Accessed February 21, 2012 at Year: 2008 Country: Central America URL: Shelf Number: 124224 Keywords: Costa RicaEl SalvadorNicaraguaPublic OpinionViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Gau, Jacinta M. Title: Report of Results of the 2007 Citizen Survey. Eighth Periodic Survey of Public Attitudes Toward the Washington State Patrol: Focus on Racial Profiling and Aggressive Driving and Longitudinal Assessment, 1992 – 2007 Summary: This report is the eighth in a series of Washington State citizen assessments of the performance of the Washington State Patrol. As with the previous assessments, this survey was conducted by mail. The survey sample was selected randomly from 10 universes of potential respondents: Citizens who were cited (arrested) by the WSP; citizens to whom the WSP issued written warnings; citizens who received verbal warnings; citizens who were searched by WSP troopers; citizens who were rendered assistance by troopers; four autonomous patrol areas of high minority contacts (Kelso, Sunnyside, Highway 99, and South King County); and a random cross-section of Washington State residents. The purpose of the survey was twofold: 1) to provide the WSP with feedback concerning citizens’ current opinions and attitudes about troopers; and 2) to offer a longitudinal comparison of how those opinions and attitudes have changed over time. It should be noted that some changes have been made to the 2007 questionnaire items that may preclude a full comparison between 2007 and prior years; nevertheless, the key questions remain the same and can be used for trend analysis. In addition, the sampling procedure allows for comparisons between those who have been sanctioned by the WSP (citation, search, etc.), those who have been assisted by the WSP, and a random sample of Washington State citizens who may or may not have had recent contact with the WSP. Each survey in the series has featured a new topic area that is of interest to the WSP at the time of the survey. The featured topic area in the 2007 survey is road rage and aggressive driving. The survey contained items asking respondents to indicate the extent to which these behaviors are a problem in Washington, and to report their perceptions of the effort that WSP has invested in addressing these problems. The 2007 survey also included a question tapping citizens’ attitudes about whether or not the WSP uses driver race as a basis for making traffic stops. The inclusion of this question allows for ongoing monitoring of the public’s attitudes about the incidence of racial profiling by the WSP. Though the bulk of the survey was quantitative in nature, there was a qualitative aspect as well. Respondents had several opportunities throughout the survey to provide written elaborations on their views about road rage and aggressive driving, about their satisfaction with WSP services, about biased policing, and about other traffic- and driving-related issues. These comments were analyzed to determine if common themes emerged; that is, whether large groups of respondents wrote about the same problem(s). Ten such themes emerged from this analysis: 1) concern was expressed about road rage and aggressive or reckless driving; 2) problems were noted with semi-truck drivers; 3) concerns about under-enforcement of traffic laws by the WSP were expressed; 4) overlylenient treatment of traffic law violators by the legislature and/or courts were cited; 5) citizens’ views on WSP ticketing practices were noted (e.g., the belief that quotas guide troopers’ discretion); 6) biased policing was noted; 7) confusion regarding the WSP’s mission and function as a law enforcement agency was expressed; 8) concern was voiced regarding limited visibility and level of service that the WSP provides in areas where some people drive; 9) there was disappointment in troopers’ demeanor and respectfulness; and 10) attitudes about the professionalism and overall effectiveness of the WSP were described. The results of the content analysis will be summarized in Part 4 of this report, and the full analysis is located in Appendix B. Details: Pullman, WA: Washington State University, Division of Governmental Studies and Services, 2007. 198p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 27, 2012 at: http://www.wsp.wa.gov/publications/reports/citizen07.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.wsp.wa.gov/publications/reports/citizen07.pdf Shelf Number: 124296 Keywords: Aggressive DrivingPolice-Citizen Interactions (Washington State)Public OpinionRacial ProfilingRacial Profiling in Law EnforcementRoad Rage |
Author: Erp, Michael Title: Nampa Police crime and criminal justice sysrvey: Report to the Manpa Police Department: Results of the Citizen Survey and Field Interviews Carried Out in 2007 Summary: Experts typically agree that community policing is a journey, not a destination; it represents an overarching philosophy for the delivery of police services, not just a collection of programs. As has been the case in many American police agencies over the course of the past two decade and more, the Nampa (Idaho) police began their efforts towards implementation of community policing in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s. Unlike many organizations, the Nampa police have undertaken significant steps to plan their actions carefully and have sought outside assistance to implement their community policing philosophy. Among those important steps taken was an intensive and comprehensive on-site organizational and community assessment process conducted in 1999 by the Western Regional Institute for Community Oriented Public Safety (WRICOPS), and now this community-wide survey of citizen attitudes and perceptions conducted by Washington State University’s Division of Governmental Studies and Services (DGSS). OVERVIEW OF PRINCIPAL SURVEY FINDINGS • Nampa respondents express a high level of regard for their police department and officers 93% trust rating for Nampa Police Department and Nampa officers, compared to 79% for city officials and 83% for local schoolteachers High level of support for community oriented policing exists in Nampa • 94% feel that community policing is the right direction police should take to police Nampa • Top Problems Identified by Citizens to be “Community-wide Problems” Youth gangs, using illegal drugs, vandalism, traffic, home break-ins, domestic or intimate partner violence, being victimized by violent crimes, and child abuse • Top Problems Identified by Citizens to be “Neighborhood Problems” Dogs running at large, vandalism, traffic, noise, home break-ins, youth gangs, garbage/litter, drunk driving • High level of volunteerism and cooperation with community policing expressed by the citizens of Nampa 94% of respondents agree citizens must take more responsibility for safety in neighborhoods; police alone can not do it; 87% are likely or possibly likely to volunteer for block watch or neighborhood watch activities; 59% indicate that are “likely” or “possibly likely” to participate in future community policing efforts • Low proportion of citizens feel that police services are improving While 62% of respondents feel that service has stayed the same over the past couple of years, 9% of survey respondents feel that law enforcement services have gotten worse over the same time period • Relatively high levels of satisfaction among those citizens who have been crime victims and among those arrested for crimes 62% of Nampa crime victims were satisfied with the Nampa Police response compared to 57% in the WRICOPS region; Quality of service was rated as good/excellent by 60% of traffic violators, 71% of those arrested or interrogated, nearly 59% of those reporting a crime and 73% of those requesting police service • Nampa Minority and non-Minority residents are remarkably alike in their willingness to help the police and in support for community policing; Minorities are slightly more likely to become involved in community policing efforts that are non-Minorities • Remarkably, Nampa Minority residents have higher trust levels of governmental officials than do non-Minority residents. Minority and non-Minority trust of Nampa police are nearly identical • Major themes commented upon by the citizens of Nampa o Community and Individual support and resolve for the difficult job of policing Nampa o Importance and appreciation of positive community engagement o Quality of life issues o Opportunities to correct undesired impressions o Growth and growing pains in Nampa o Assorted individual level concerns Details: Pullman, WA: Washington State University, Division of Governmental STudies and Services, 2007. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 27, 2012 at: http://dgss.wsu.edu/Final%20Reports/Nampa2007CrimeCJSurvey.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://dgss.wsu.edu/Final%20Reports/Nampa2007CrimeCJSurvey.pdf Shelf Number: 124298 Keywords: Community PolicingPolice- Citizen InteractionPolice-Community Relations (Washington State)Public Opinion |
Author: Galev, Todor Title: Crime and Punishment: Studying Justice System for Shaping Criminal Policy Summary: The current publication analyses the findings of the survey on public trust in Bulgarian police and courts, including personal assessments about the level of corruption in these institutions and the subjective perceptions of fear of crime. Two main factors are moulding the public trust: the state institutions’ effectiveness, their procedural justice and their distributive fairness towards citizens, as well as institutions’ legitimacy, the legality of their actions and the shared moral principles, which build up the obligation to respect the rules and the decisions of these institutions. The publication suggests that Bulgaria should introduce a system of indicators for assessing the public trust in the criminal justice system. These indicators would be instrumental for the more comprehensive definition of the problems, which criminal justice institutions face, and for more effective monitoring of public opinion fluctuations. Details: Sofia, Bulgaria: Center for the Study of Democracy, 2011. 91p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2012 at: http://www.csd.bg/artShow.php?id=15927 Year: 2011 Country: Bulgaria URL: http://www.csd.bg/artShow.php?id=15927 Shelf Number: 124300 Keywords: Criminal Justice PolicyCriminal Justice ReformCriminal Justice Systems (Bulgaria)Public Opinion |
Author: North Dakota State Data Center at North Dakota State University Title: North Dakota Statewide Child Abuse and Neglect Study: 2005 Survey Results Summary: This study reports findings from a follow-up survey of North Dakota public opinion regarding child abuse and neglect issues. The original baseline survey was conducted in the spring of 2002. The follow-up survey was conducted the spring of 2005. A campaign targeting sexual abuse took place between the two surveys. The overall purpose of these public opinion surveys is to gain insight into residents’ attitudes and perceptions regarding child abuse and neglect issues in North Dakota in an attempt to develop effective prevention strategies. In addition, the results provide valuable information that can be used in evaluating educational and programmatic campaigns targeting child abuse and neglect. The 2002 and 2005 reports are available online at http://www.ndsu.edu/sdc/publications.htm. Details: Fargo, ND: North Dakota State Data Center at North Dakota State University, 2005. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2012 at http://www.ndsu.edu/sdc/publications/childabuseneglect/ChildAbuseNeglect2005.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://www.ndsu.edu/sdc/publications/childabuseneglect/ChildAbuseNeglect2005.pdf Shelf Number: 124318 Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect (North Dakota)Child Sexual AbusePublic Opinion |
Author: Great Britain. Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary Title: Without fear or favour: A review of police relationships Summary: This year's extensive scrutiny of how the police handled the phone hacking affair has understandably led to concerns about police integrity and corruption. Police checking systems and processes have identified a small number of other high profile cases which include allegations of inappropriate police relationships – some involving senior officers. These cases either have been or are being dealt with properly, but amplify concerns about police corruption and have the potential to undermine public trust in the Service. The subject of police integrity has received wide coverage recently but HMIC did not undertake this review with any preconception of the likely findings. Rather, we have been guided by the evidence available to us and have assessed it carefully before coming to our conclusions and making our recommendations. As part of the review we asked the public about the extent and nature of police integrity and corruption. The majority do not think corruption is common and trust the police to tell the truth. However, about a third of those surveyed think there is some problem with corruption. The public also told us that they associate integrity with being treated fairly; the Service must, therefore, be absolutely transparent not only in being fair but also in being seen to be fair. Concerns that inappropriate police relationships represent endemic failings in police integrity are not borne out by the evidence available to HMIC. However, this review does not give the Police Service a clean bill of health. We found few forces and authorities had these issues on their radar. In addition, understanding of boundaries, checking mechanisms, governance and oversight in police relationships with others (including the media) varies hugely across the Service. Our benchmarking exercise suggests that few organisations have resolved these issues well for the modern world (in terms of managing controls around integrity issues). However, the Police Service needs to do so in order to safeguard their impartiality and, as importantly, the perception of their impartiality. HMIC is concerned that the lack of controls in some areas, which are not always considered by the police as „corruption‟, can allow a slippery slope to develop in relationships which leaves forces and authorities unsighted and vulnerable to significant risk. One such risk area is the potential for misuse of corporate purchasing and credit cards (of which we estimate there are 2,700 in circulation across England and Wales, in addition to the 2,712 owned by the MPS): the public rightly expects the Police Service to make best use of the public money it receives, and to put effective controls in place to ensure that it is spent appropriately and that the maximum value is derived from it (especially in a period of austerity). Other examples of risk areas include the lack of clarity around the acceptance of gifts and hospitality; and around conflicts of interest, tax and other legal implications of police officers and staff having second jobs or other business interests. A key factor in meeting the challenges to police integrity lies in the quality of the leaders of the Service: not only in ensuring that systems and processes are in HMIC (2011) Without fear or favour: A review of police relationships 6 place and work effectively to provide appropriate checks and balances, but importantly in the example they set through their own behaviours in reinforcing high standards of conduct, thus promoting integrity. The Service cannot afford to be complacent and we look to senior leaders in the Service to show that they understand the importance of acting quickly and effectively to further strengthen integrity and to give the public cause to have high levels of confidence that the police will act without fear or favour in delivering a responsive and accountable service. Governance matters enormously in reinforcing these issues. We intend to revisit the matters highlighted in this report by October 2012. Police authorities have a role in ensuring that the work to address the issues raised in the report is expedited as a matter of urgency. Incoming Police and Crime Commissioners, as a key part of their role, will need to assure themselves that forces have embedded integrity considerations in all that they do, supported by effective checks and balances. They would be assisted in this if these checks and balances were consistent throughout England and Wales. Details: London: Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC), 2011. 71p Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 11, 2012 at http://www.hmic.gov.uk/media/a-review-of-police-relationships-20111213.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/media/a-review-of-police-relationships-20111213.pdf Shelf Number: 124467 Keywords: CorruptionPolice AdministrationPolice BehaviorPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Grace, Kerry Title: Public Annoyance and Complaints about the Police: findings from the 2006/07 British Crime Survey Summary: This study examines the results from the questions that form part of the ‘Experience of the police; attitudes to the police’ module in the British Crime Survey (BCS). This focuses on the respondents’ interactions and perceptions of the police and includes a number of questions around ‘annoyance’ with, and complaining about the police. Past studies looking at these issues tend to be dated or focus on people’s attitudes to complaining rather than their experiences. This study sheds new light on this area by examining up to date, actual experiences of members of the public. The main focus of the research report is primary analysis of the 2006/07 BCS. A statistical technique called ‘logistic regression’ was also used. This indicates what characteristics are more likely to exhibit a certain outcome to provide further insight into the factors associated with annoyance and complaining about the police. In addition, there is a short trend analysis of the BCS data between 2001/02 and 2006/07 to explore changes in responses, including a look at changes by ethnic group over the six year period. The study explores the respondents’ demographics, lifestyle, attitudes towards the police and contact with the police. The aim of the study was to inform thinking about the public’s use of the police complaints system and to specifically look at three issues: The first of these concerned the extent to which members of the public have felt ‘really annoyed’ about the behaviour of a police officer and if they have decided to make a complaint; The second concerned why people do not complain after such an experience and whether awareness of how to make a complaint and other access issues have a significant role in a complaint being made; The third concerned the experiences of those who did make a complaint and specifically whether they were satisfied with the way their complaint was handled. Details: London: Independent Police Complaints Commission, 2009. Source: IPCC Research and Statistics Series, Paper 16: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2012 at http://www.ipcc.gov.uk/Documents/ipcc_bcs_report.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.ipcc.gov.uk/Documents/ipcc_bcs_report.pdf Shelf Number: 117833 Keywords: British Crime SurveyComplaints Against the Police (U.K.)Police Performance (U.K.)Public Opinion |
Author: Victoria (Australia). Sentencing Advisory Council Title: Community Attitudes to Offence Seriousness Summary: The Community Attitudes to Offence Seriousness report presents key findings from community panels conducted by the Council throughout Victoria. The report outlines the 244 participants’ judgments of offence seriousness and how they weighed the factors that render different offences more or less serious. The research was conducted as part of the Maximum Penalties project, a review by the Council of the maximum penalties for 250 offences to be included in a new Crimes Bill. The findings indicate that community members have divergent views about the relative seriousness of offences. The judgment of offence seriousness is subjective and can be influenced by a range of factors. Judgments of offence seriousness by individual members of the community can vary according to each person’s experiences, perceptions and views. If the views of this group of respondents are representative of community thinking, it appears the community does not share a single set of common attitudes towards relative offence seriousness. However, despite the variation in attitudes to offence seriousness for some offences, there was consensus among participants that offences involving direct harms to people are considered the most serious. In particular, there was a high level of agreement among participants that offences involving the deliberate infliction of harm, sexually violent offences and sexual offences against children are among the most serious offences. Details: Melbourne: Sentencing Advisory Council, 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessede May 8, 2012 at: https://sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/community_attitudes_to_offence_seriousness.pdf Year: 0 Country: Australia URL: https://sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/files/community_attitudes_to_offence_seriousness.pdf Shelf Number: 125181 Keywords: Offense SeriousnessPublic OpinionPunishmentSentencing (Australia) |
Author: Dolic, Zrinjka Title: Race or Reason? Police Encounters with Young People in the Flemington Region and Surrounding Areas Summary: The following research examines the role that demographic factors, such as country of birth and gender, play in shaping young people’s experiences with and attitudes toward the police. The Flemington and Kensington Community Legal Centre (FKCLC) commissioned the study at a time of growing concern about young people being treated unfairly by the police in the Flemington and Kensington community. The relationship between police and youth is fraught with difficulties and there is growing evidence that ethnic minority youth are more vulnerable to being treated unfairly by the police (Alder et al, 1992; Chan, 1997; White, 1994). In particular, the interaction between police and African youth has been a source of increasing concern of late with research identifying that African youth experience frequent unwarranted stopping, searching and police harassment in the areas of Flemington, Braybrook and City of Greater Dandenong (Duff, 2006; Reside & Smith, 2010). This study contributes to current research on race and gender by offering further evidence of the differential police treatment experienced by African youth. The findings of this study warrant further investigation and at the same time contribute to an increased awareness of the issues and challenges faced by this group of young people. A total of 151 young people, aged 15-‐24 participated in this research by completing an anonymous survey. The young people who were surveyed lived in Flemington and the surrounding areas, were roughly equal numbers of young men and women, and included young people from diverse ethnicities and non-‐English speaking backgrounds. Details: Kensington, Victoria, Australia: Flemington and Kensington Community Legal Centre, 2011. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 15, 2012 at: http://www.communitylaw.org.au/flemingtonkensington/cb_pages/files/FKCLC%20report%20March%202011_small2.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.communitylaw.org.au/flemingtonkensington/cb_pages/files/FKCLC%20report%20March%202011_small2.pdf Shelf Number: 125273 Keywords: Attitudes toward PolicePolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsPolice-Juvenile RelationsPublic OpinionRacial Profiling (Australia) |
Author: Jakobsson, Niklas Title: What Explains Attitudes Toward Prostitution Summary: Using a larger and more representative sample than previous studies, we assess people’s attitudes toward prostitution in Norway and Sweden. Compared to previous statistical analyses in this field, the present study is the first to use sophisticated statistical methods that can shed further light on attitudes toward different aspects of prostitution while controlling for other confounding factors. The main findings are that men and sexual liberals are more positive toward prostitution, and that conservatives and those who support gender equality are more negative. Holding anti-immigration views is correlated with more positive attitudes toward buying, but not toward selling, sex. Norwegians are more positive than Swedes toward prostitution. It is also found that supporting gender equality has more explanatory power in Sweden than in Norway, and it is argued that this may be due to the more gendered nature of the Swedish debate. Details: Gothenberg, Sweden: University of Gothenburg, School of Business, Economics, and Law, 2009. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper in Economics, No. 349: http://andreaskotsadam.files.wordpress.com/2010/06/prost.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Sweden URL: http://andreaskotsadam.files.wordpress.com/2010/06/prost.pdf Shelf Number: 125267 Keywords: Prostitution (Norway and Sweden)Public AttitudesPublic Opinion |
Author: Wilson, Carole Title: The Public and the Justice System: Attitudes, Drivers and Behaviour - A Literature Review Summary: This literature review examines evidence on what public attitudes to the justice system are, what drives these attitudes, what effect these attitudes have on behaviour, and what works to improve such attitudes. People’s attitudes to the justice system are complex, and vary depending on whether the focus is confidence, satisfaction, trust or legitimacy, and what part of the system or aspect of performance is in question. The most important drivers of people’s attitudes to the justice system are personal experience. This includes direct contact with justice system professionals, seeing or hearing from local police, experience and perceptions of the local neighbourhood, and stories about the experiences of other people. It is crucial that people feel that the justice system, as represented by people such as the police, demonstrates ‘procedural justice’ - that is that they value and care about individuals and the community, and behave fairly, respectfully, neutrally and take seriously the things that matter to people. Research shows that experiencing such procedural justice leads to higher satisfaction, confidence and perceived legitimacy of justice system professionals, which in turn is associated with people being more compliant and cooperative when they interact with the justice system. For parts of the justice system that fewer people have direct or vicarious personal experience of, such as sentencing, people make judgements from other information available to them, which may include media sources. The impact on people’s attitudes depends on which media sources they use, and the degree to which information from the media aligns with their existing attitudes and experiences. Four broad types of activity have been found to improve public attitudes: procedurally fair treatment of system users, visibility of police and engagement with the public, improving neighbourhood conditions, and written communication. The key message from the evidence is that people’s personal experiences of the justice system and of their local area is the most important influence on their attitudes to the justice system. Factors such as knowledge about the system, and the media, do not have the large direct influence that some might expect. The evidence shows that building responsive relationships between justice system professionals and individuals and communities can improve attitudes to the justice system, and by doing so may also improve people’s engagement with the justice system and their wider behaviour. Details: Edinburgh: Scottish Government Social Research, 2012. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2012 at: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0039/00396342.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0039/00396342.pdf Shelf Number: 125606 Keywords: Criminal Justice SystemsPublic Attitudes (Scotland)Public ConfidencePublic Opinion |
Author: Boateng, Francis D. Title: Public Trust in the Police: Identifying Factors that Shape Trust in the Ghanaian Police Summary: Though much have been conducted to examine the influences on public trust in the police in developed countries, little or no such studies have been conducted in developing countries, limiting what we know in those countries thereby creating a gap in the academic literature. To fill this gap, the present study examined factors that influence Ghanaians’ trust in their police. Using a representative field survey data collected in Summer, 2011 in Accra, Ghana (N=493), I found that fear of crime and satisfaction with the police are significant predictors of public trust in the Ghanaian police. Policy implications of the findings are discussed. Details: International Police Executive Symposium, 2012. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper No. 42: Accessed July 25, 2012 at: http://www.ipes.info/WPS/WPS_No_42.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Ghana URL: http://www.ipes.info/WPS/WPS_No_42.pdf Shelf Number: 125773 Keywords: Police (Ghana)Police ReformPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Bennett, Christine Title: Public Perceptions of Safety and Security in Kosovo: Time to Act Summary: This survey is the sixth in a series which tracks changes in public perceptions of safety and security in Kosovo over time. It tests how people believe access to, responsiveness and performance of security and justice institutions in Kosovo are developing and is based on qualitative and quantitative data collected through a household survey and focus group discussions. The survey was conducted by Saferworld with input provided by the Forum for Civic Initiatives (FIQ). It takes into account the role of different characteristics, such as ethnicity and geographic location and to a lesser extent gender and age, in shaping people’s perceptions of both national and international security providers. The survey aims to contribute towards the development of responsive, accountable and people-focused security and justice provisions in Kosovo. The survey findings are cause for concern that should be noted and trigger a response. They show that the political crisis in Kosovo in late 2010 which continues at the time of writing this report had a devastating effect on local safety and security perceptions, attitudes towards small arms and light weapons (SALW) and, even more so, on the trust placed in security and justice providers. Perceptions of day-to-day public safety and security have slightly deteriorated and an increasing number of people – particularly young people – would consider acquiring weapons. The reputation of the Kosovo Police (KP), which was previously held in high regard by the majority of the population, has particularly suffered in the last year. This may be linked to heated political debates about the security situation in Kosovo, the performance of the police and the high turnover in senior police staff in Autumn 2010. Findings indicate that people are tired of what they see as insufficiently accountable and ineffective institutions, both at national level – such as the police, customs and justice sectors and international level, particularly with regards to EU Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX). The Government and institutions concerned must step up efforts to improve their credibility, in order to prevent further frustration and alienation from spreading. Details: London: Saferworld, 2011. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 13, 2012 at: http://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/Kosovo_tracker_survey_2011_English_reduced.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Europe URL: http://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/Kosovo_tracker_survey_2011_English_reduced.pdf Shelf Number: 126007 Keywords: Criminal Justice SystemFear of Crime (Kosovo)Public OpinionPublic Safety and Security |
Author: Ipsos MORI Title: Policing Anti-Social Behaviour - the Public Perspective: Wave 2. Research Study for HMIC: Final Report Summary: This is the second wave of research into attitudes towards anti-social behaviour and the police's response, commissioned by Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary to complement its inspection of how forces are tackling the problem. It sets out the perceptions of people who contacted the police to report anti-social behaviour - their understanding of 'anti-social behaviour', its impact on their lives, their perceptions of how the police and other agencies deal with it, and how they may react to similar occurrences in the future. Interviews were conducted by telephone in February-March 2012 with a random selection of 9,311 people in England and Wales who called the police to report an incident of anti-social behaviour in September 20112 ('callers' in this report). Findings are compared with those from wave one of the research which was undertaken in May-June 2010 with people who reported anti-social behaviour to the police in September 2009. Details: London: Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabularly, 2012. 104p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 1, 2012 at: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/media/policing-anti-social-behaviour-the-public-perspective-wave-2.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/media/policing-anti-social-behaviour-the-public-perspective-wave-2.pdf Shelf Number: 126182 Keywords: Antisocial Behavior (U.K.)Disorderly ConductIncivilitiesNuisance Behaviors and DisorderPolicingPublic Opinion |
Author: Sharpe Research Ltd. Title: Public Attitudes to the Deployment of Surveillance Techniques in Public Places: Qualitative Research Report Summary: The main aim of the research was to investigate informed public attitudes towards current and planned public surveillance activities, and establish the limits of public acceptability and confidence, to provide understanding of where the boundary might lie between personal privacy and society’s ability to intrude into an individual’s affairs. This involved investigation of the following: • levels of spontaneous knowledge and awareness about: - the extent and prevalence of CCTV and other surveillance technologies - the purposes for which video surveillance is deployed - which authorities and other organisations use video surveillance - how the recordings are used or processed - how long recordings are kept - who can see them, and in what circumstances - the effectiveness of video surveillance in preventing and/or detecting crime • sources of knowledge and awareness, including personal experience; • reactions to prompted information on - licensing/authorisation - covert vs. overt installations - new surveillance technologies - new ‘purposes’, such as road pricing - ‘sensitive’ personal data, in the data protection context • factors underlying public confidence in video surveillance; • the perceived applicability of the 8 data protection principles to the deployment and use of surveillance technology; • perceived risks of unlawful or criminal violations of privacy arising from video surveillance, looking both at likelihood and potential severity of consequences to the individual; • what rules ought to control the deployment and use of video surveillance in public places, and who should set and enforce those rules; • information needs – what members of the public want to know about video surveillance and its regulation. Details: London: Information Commissioner's Office, 2004. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 12, 2012 at: http://www.ico.gov.uk/upload/documents/library/corporate/research_and_reports/public_attitudes_research.pdf Year: 2004 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.ico.gov.uk/upload/documents/library/corporate/research_and_reports/public_attitudes_research.pdf Shelf Number: 126303 Keywords: Crime PreventionPublic AttitudesPublic OpinionPublic SpaceSurveillance Cameras (U.K.)Video Surveillance |
Author: LaChance, Daniel Title: Condemned To Be Free: The Cultural Life of Capital Punishment in the United States, 1945-Present Summary: This dissertation examines the waning of capital punishment in the immediate post-World War II period and its resurgence in the 1980s and 1990s. Some scholars understand the revival of the death penalty in the United States as part of a socially conservative backlash in a society undergoing immense social change. Qualifying and building upon these accounts, I argue that the migration of Americans‘ sense of political community away from the public sphere and a concomitant resurgence of individualism in the post-World War II period played an under-examined role in the growth of the American demand for capital punishment. State killing, I show, was compatible with a cultural consensus that social problems could be solved only by individual acts of will and not by large-scale social engineering. The revival of the death penalty reflected Americans‘ discomfort with the way that modern, utilitarian approaches to punishment, which peaked in the years after World War II, failed to take individuals seriously, prioritizing social goals over individual autonomy. In this context, capital punishment legitimized, rather than simply masked, the state‘s withdrawal of its claim to being the central provider of social, economic, and personal security. And it denied, rather than endorsed, the state‘s role as a dispenser of traditional morality. Contradictory understandings of the role of the killing state as normatively and descriptively strong and weak worked, moreover, to sustain the practice of capital punishment in the United States. Details: Minneapolis, MN: Department of American Studies, University of Minnesota, 2011. 228p. Source: Dissertation: Internet Resource: Accessed September 23, 2012 at http://conservancy.umn.edu/bitstream/101797/1/LaChance_umn_0130E_11760.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://conservancy.umn.edu/bitstream/101797/1/LaChance_umn_0130E_11760.pdf Shelf Number: 126409 Keywords: Capital PunishmentDeath PenaltyPublic OpinionPunishment |
Author: Jacobson, Jessica Title: Public Attitudes to the Sentencing of Drug Offences Summary: This study explored public attitudes to the sentencing of a variety of drug offences. The study used a qualitative methodology, involving focus groups conducted in various locations across England and Wales. A short pre-discussion questionnaire was also used to collect basic demographic information on participants and to gauge early views on the sentencing of drug offences. The findings provide valuable insights into public reactions to this issue, although they should not be regarded as necessarily representative of the views of the wider population. The key findings from the research are presented below. • Participants did not generally wish to see custodial penalties for drug possession offences; nor did they necessarily want substantial custodial penalties for small-scale supply and small to medium-scale importation offences. • However, they wanted lengthy custodial sentences for medium to large-scale supply and large-scale importation offences. • They tended to favour sentences that were more punitive than current practice, although this may have been a function of the group dynamics within the focus groups; however, their preferences for medium-scale importation offences were often more lenient. • The punitiveness of attitudes towards serious supply and importation offences reflects a focus on the harm caused by this kind of offending, which was expressed through concerns with: - the distinction between possession offences and other kinds of drug offences; - the impact of different types of drug on users; and - the quantity of the drug(s) involved in a given offence. • Overall, notions of offender culpability played a lesser part than harm in participants’ sentencing preferences; nevertheless offences were deemed to be substantially more serious where: - the offender made a large amount of profit from the offence; - the offender had previous convictions; or - minors were exploited in the offence. • Participants expressed a wide range of views on the relevance of personal factors that may aggravate or mitigate a sentence, and some were resistant to the general principle of taking the offender’s personal circumstances into account in sentencing. Details: London: Sentencing Council, 2011. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Sentencing Council Research Series 01/11; http://sentencingcouncil.judiciary.gov.uk/docs/Drugs_research_report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://sentencingcouncil.judiciary.gov.uk/docs/Drugs_research_report.pdf Shelf Number: 126754 Keywords: Drug OffendersDrug OffensesPublic Attitudes (U.K.)Public OpinionPunishmentSentencing |
Author: Dawes, William Title: Attitudes to Guilty Plea Sentence Reductions Summary: This report presents findings from research Ipsos MORI carried out for the Sentencing Council to examine attitudes towards guilty plea sentence reductions. It consisted of a face-to-face quantitative survey with the general public, discussion groups with the general public, interviews with those who had been a victim of crime or who had witnessed a crime and interviews with offenders. Key findings include: The public often perceive sentencing as too lenient. They feel that too often it can work in favour of offenders, rather than providing justice for victims. For the public, sentence lengths given to offenders are an important indicator of justice being served. The public in this research had limited knowledge of the workings of the Criminal Justice System (CJS), especially sentencing, and they reported their views as being highly influenced by the media and word of mouth. Whilst the quantitative survey revealed a degree of familiarity with the principles of guilty plea sentence reductions, qualitative discussions indicated awareness was based on the broad concept of sentences receiving reductions, with participants less certain of the role guilty pleas played in determining sentence outcome. Therefore, the public were generally unaware of the nuances of the guilty plea reductions principle and initially tended to be generally unsupportive of reductions in sentencing for those entering a guilty plea. Those who had a better understanding of the system and how it works were more likely to report confidence in the system and in sentencing policies. As such those who had been a victim or who had witnessed a crime were more likely to be supportive of sentence reductions than a broader general public audience. While the general public’s view of justice being served centred largely on the sentence handed down, victims and witnesses tended to have a more holistic view. They gave consideration to offender circumstances and whether the punishment allowed for rehabilitation and support as well as closure for victims and witnesses. For many, re-offending was a key concern and so there was support for punishments that acted as a deterrent and changed offender behaviour. Indeed, both the general public and victims and witnesses thought that persistent offenders, through their actions, have forfeited their right to a reduction. The public assume that the key motivation for the guilty plea sentence reduction is to reduce resources (time and money), but they prefer the idea of it as something which helps prevent victims having to give evidence and experiencing emotional trauma whilst doing this. There is a strong sense that the drive for cost savings should not impact on a system effectively delivering justice. There is more support for sentence reductions if the guilty plea is entered at an early point. The benefits – both economic and emotional – are more tangible at this point, and both the public and victims and witnesses are less likely to feel that the offender can ‘play the system’. On the other hand offenders say they are less likely to enter an early plea, but prefer to weigh up the evidence against them first. There is generally little support for a reduction for a guilty plea made at the court door or once the trial has started amongst the public and many victims and witnesses, although the small number of victims of more serious offences included in this study often felt that reductions at this stage could be acceptable. There was an indication that the prospect and reality of attending court proved more traumatic for this group, and they therefore may be more open to late reductions. For the general public, there was weak support for higher levels of reductions beyond the current guideline range of up to 33% and a fifth (20%) felt that there should be no reduction at all. Supporting this, when survey respondents were asked whether the reduction should be increased from a third if an offender pleads guilty at the earliest opportunity, 58% disagreed and only 22% agreed. A small number of victims of more serious offences were, however, more supportive if it spared them having to testify in court. The public (and some victims and witnesses) do not like the idea of a universal approach to reductions – in fact, the public in the survey were less likely to say that an offender pleading guilty to an offence should be given a more lenient sentence in most/all cases (21%) and more likely to say it never should result in a more lenient sentence (29%). They instead think that this should depend on certain factors/circumstances relating to the offender or offence type. For instance, views were often much more punitive towards violent crimes as opposed to those against businesses, and likewise towards repeat offenders versus first time offenders. The language and discourse of the reductions did not sit well with people. They were very resistant to the idea of an offender being ‘rewarded’ for admitting they were guilty of an offence; rather they spontaneously suggested that defendants should be further penalised for not admitting guilt if they are subsequently found guilty. Offenders in this study were often unsure what their sentence was likely to be when weighing up how to plead, and felt that decisions on sentence lengths were inconsistent. This made it difficult for them to calculate exactly what the impact of a set reduction to their sentence would be. Offenders also questioned the extent to which reductions for early guilty pleas were actually being applied, with a number feeling that it was very difficult to understand exactly how their final sentence had been determined. However, when probed on the level of reductions, offenders in this study were broadly content with the current discount of a third for an early guilty plea, and felt that without the reduction there was little incentive to admit guilt. The main factor determining whether or not offenders plead guilty was the likelihood of being found guilty at trial. The key ‘tipping point’ here was when offenders realised that the chances of them being found guilty were greater than being found not guilty. Weight of evidence and advice from solicitors/barristers were pivotal in offenders’ assessments of whether they were likely to be found guilty and therefore crucial in determining when a guilty plea was entered. There was little evidence from the research that increasing the reduction further would encourage more offenders to plead guilty at an earlier stage, given the reduction only becomes a driver of entering a guilty plea at such a point that an offender considers a conviction to be the likely outcome. Details: London: Sentencing Council, 2011. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Sentencing Council Research Series 02/11; Accessed October 19, 2012 at: http://sentencingcouncil.judiciary.gov.uk/docs/Attitudes_to_Guilty_Plea_Sentence_Reductions_(web).pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://sentencingcouncil.judiciary.gov.uk/docs/Attitudes_to_Guilty_Plea_Sentence_Reductions_(web).pdf Shelf Number: 126755 Keywords: Guilty Pleas (U.K.)Public AttitudesPublic OpinionPunishmentSentencing |
Author: Nicholls, Carol McNaughton Title: Attitudes to Sentencing Sexual Offences Summary: This report outlines findings of research conducted by Natcen Social Research on victim/survivor1 and public attitudes to sentencing sexual offences. This research was conducted on behalf of the Sentencing Council for England and Wales, to inform their current review of guidelines on sentencing sexual offences, and in accordance with their statutory duties to “produce analysis and research on sentencing”, “promote a clear, fair and consistent approach to sentencing”, and “work to improve public confidence in sentencing.”2 An evidence review was completed as phase one of the research, and suggested that there was a need for up-to-date and methodologically robust research on public and victim/survivor views and sexual offences sentencing. The review identified that new research was needed to explore a range of offences and that not only concentrated on offences such as rape. Qualitative research was the favoured methodology as it allowed research participants the opportunity to provide explanations for the reasons given for suggested sentences, discuss their level of awareness of sentencing, and in the case of research with victim/survivors, enabled interviews to be conducted that were responsive and tailored to personal experience. There are, however, limits to the scope of any research project and this study is no exception – the focus here was on exploring public and victim/survivors’ attitudes and experiences of the sentencing of different sexual offences, and there was not scope to explore a range of additional issues, such as views on the existing sentencing guidelines for sexual offences or the effectiveness of different sanctions. Aims and objectives In this context the aims and objectives of the research were to: map awareness of the various sanctions for sexual offences that are available; understand what are considered to be appropriate sanctions and sentences for a range of sexual offences, the reasons for this and the relative gravity of sexual offences against each other and in comparison to other offences; identify the range of aggravating and mitigating factors that influenced the nature of participants’ responses to the appropriate type and length of sentence, including which factors are more or less important when considering the sentence; and discuss the purpose of sentencing sexual offences. And in addition, with victim/survivors of sexual offences and their family: describe the experiences of people affected by sexual offences and the seriousness and harm of the offence; and where relevant, understand their experience of the sentencing process and the personal impact of the sentence. Details: London: Sentencing Council, 2012. 118p. Source: Internet Resource: Sentencing Council Research Series 01/12: Accessed November 2, 2012 at: http://sentencingcouncil.judiciary.gov.uk/docs/Attitudes_to_Sentencing_Sexual_Offences_(web).pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://sentencingcouncil.judiciary.gov.uk/docs/Attitudes_to_Sentencing_Sexual_Offences_(web).pdf Shelf Number: 126817 Keywords: Public AttitudesPublic OpinionPunishmentSentencingSex Offenders (U.K.)Sex Offenses |
Author: Orr, Kate Skellington Title: Perceptions of Summary Criminal Justice in Scotland Summary: In July and August 2011, three deliberative research workshops were held with members of the public in Scotland: one each in Ayr, Livingston and Aberdeen. This was part of a wider evaluation to explore the impact of Summary Justice Reforms (SJR) on victims and witnesses, as well as to gauge public perceptions of the summary justice system, and the reforms overall. This report focuses specifically on participant’s understanding, perceptions and expectations of the Summary Criminal Justice System in Scotland; how people view justice per se; and what could be done to improve or maximise public confidence in the system. The research found that there was limited and often inaccurate knowledge of the criminal justice system in Scotland among participants in this research. Participants did, however, want to know more about the system and there was a desire for fewer barriers to information, including the removal of jargon in the system, to make it more accessible. Participants wanted to see greater respect for victims and witnesses in the system, including better treatment at court and the receipt of case progress information at all stages of the justice process. The public court experience was perceived to be intimidating and not easy to understand, and this was compounded by perceptions that professionals working within the court system (including defence and prosecution agents) were unsympathetic to how daunting the experience may be for members of the public. Participants perceived the current system to treat the accused better than victims and witnesses, and believed that the court and prison system was not taken seriously by some offenders. Views on sentencing were complex. Community sentences and community payback were generally well supported by all participants as a means of delivering ‘visible justice’, which directly benefited those affected by the crimes. Views on custodial sentences were more varied with views expressed that while prison sentences needed to be imposed in a fair and consistent manner, they also needed to be sufficiently tough that offenders would be deterred from committing further crimes. Restoring and improving social values of respect for justice and authority overall was seen as a key underlying challenge to improving public confidence in the future. There was no suggestion, however, that responsibility for this should necessarily sit with the justice system. Details: Edinburgh: Scottish Government Social Research, 2012. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 26, 2012 at: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0040/00405883.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0040/00405883.pdf Shelf Number: 127004 Keywords: CourtsCriminal Justice SystemPublic OpinionSentencingSummary Criminal Justice (Scotland)Victims of CrimesWitnesses |
Author: Brandt, Chris Title: Young People and the Police in Lagos Summary: The relationship between young people and the police has normally been characterized by mutual suspicion and hostility. However, in Nigeria, very little data has been collected regarding this seemingly acrimonious relationship. Given the current political and social dynamics in Nigeria, it’s important to better understand the attitudes young people and police hold towards each other. Today, the police often pay special attention to the activities of young people, largely because of the perceived increase in youth crime in recent years. Pressure from both the media and elites on the police to crack down on young delinquents has brought about increased contact between juveniles and the police and led to the use of more aggressive forms of intervention (Alder et.al, 1992). A natural consequence of these negative interactions is mutual tension and suspicion. The negative relationship has several unsettling consequences. Young people, feeling persecuted and targeted by the police, are less likely to report criminal activities or seek out help when they are in distress. The hostile relationship also contributes to increased criminal activity among juveniles ( Alemika and Chukwuma, 2001). Young people, viewing the police with little respect or legitimacy, feel emboldened to commit criminal acts. This study was conceived against the backdrop of the palpable dangers posed to citizen safety and public order by an adversarial relationship between young people and the police. It sets out to explore and empirically determine the nature of the relationship between youths and the police in Lagos State, to establish the factors that define it, and to provide recommendations for how to improve it. Details: Lagos, Nigeria: CLEEN Foundations, 2011. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2012 at: http://www.cleen.org/Young%20people%20and%20the%20police%20in%20Lagos%20State.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.cleen.org/Young%20people%20and%20the%20police%20in%20Lagos%20State.pdf Shelf Number: 127043 Keywords: Juvenile OffendersPolice LegitimacyPolice-Citizen Interactions (Nigeria)Police-Juvenile RelationsPublic Attitudes Toward the PolicePublic Opinion |
Author: Cochran-Budhathoki, Karon Title: Calling for Security and Justice in Nepal: Citizens' Perspectives on the Rule of Law and the Role of the Nepal Police Summary: This report presents the findings of a mixed method survey of attitudes among the people of Nepal toward security and the rule of law. Eight thousand members of the general public and well over four thousand members of specific professions were asked about their perceptions and experiences regarding access to justice and security. One subject that received close attention was whether the institutional mechanisms of the Nepal Police (NP) limit or enhance the public’s sense of security. The survey was conducted by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) in collaboration with 20 local civil society partner organizations. Together, they mobilized 101 local surveyors in 21 districts across Nepal. In all, 12,607 respondents answered a detailed questionnaire. Of those, 4,597 respondents drawn from six targeted groups or professions (the NP, civil society, the Government of Nepal, political parties, the business and industrialist community, and the legal profession and judiciary) also responded to a separate questionnaire. Furthermore, 15 focus group discussions (FGDs) involving 364 participants were held, and interviews were conducted with 118 high-level government officials, political party leaders, and civil society leaders. Survey development began in 2009 and delivery occurred between August and October of 2009. FGDs and interviews followed from January to June, 2010 using a constant comparison method of data analysis, culminating in the publication of results in early 2011. This relatively lengthy timeframe was purposefully designed in order to maximize the opportunities for local and policy-level stakeholders to participate in the survey and to develop their working relationships. While some local security issues erupted and others diminished across the interaction period, the survey results accurately reflected public opinion on the attitudes among the people of Nepal toward security and the rule of law. Details: Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2011. 182p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 16, 2012 at http://www.usip.org/files/resources/Security_and_Justice_in_Nepal.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Nepal URL: http://www.usip.org/files/resources/Security_and_Justice_in_Nepal.pdf Shelf Number: 127215 Keywords: Police-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Snowball, Lucy Title: Public Confidence in the New South Wales Criminal Justice System: 2012 update Summary: Public confidence in the NSW criminal justice system has increased significantly over the last four years, according the NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research. This is one of the key findings to emerge from a survey of public confidence in the criminal justice system commissioned by the Bureau. The Bureau conducted a similar survey in 2008. Interviews were conducted with over 2,000 NSW residents aged 18 years and over. Survey sample quotas were set on the basis of age, sex and residential location to match, as closely as possible, the distribution of these characteristics in the NSW population. Respondents in both surveys were asked how confident they were that the criminal justice system: Is effective in bringing people who commit crimes to justice; Meets the needs of victims Respects the rights of people accused of committing a crime Treats people accused of crime fairly; Deals with cases promptly. With one exception , the percentage of respondents who said they were ‘very’ or ‘fairly’ confident that the NSW criminal justice system is achieving these objectives was significantly higher in 2012 than it had been in 2008. Public knowledge of the criminal justice system and confidence in sentencing also increased. To measure public knowledge about crime and justice respondents were asked: Whether property crime had increased, decreased or remained about the same over the last five years; What percentage of all crime recorded by police involves violence or the threat of violence? What percentage of persons charged with home burglary are convicted of the offence? What percentage of persons convicted of home burglary receive a prison sentence? The percentage of respondents who gave tolerably accurate answers to each of these questions was significantly higher in 2012 than it was in 2008. To measure public confidence in sentencing, the Bureau asked respondents whether the sentences handed down by courts are much too tough, a little too tough, about right, a little too lenient or much too lenient. In 2008, 25.5 per cent responded ‘about right’. The proportion giving this answer in 2012 rose to 31.4 per cent. There was a corresponding fall in the percentage of respondents who felt that sentences are ‘much too lenient’ (from 37.3% to 29.3%). Generally speaking, the public have higher levels of confidence in the capacity of police to bring offenders to justice, meet the needs of victims and deal with cases promptly. They have higher levels of confidence in the courts when it comes to respecting the rights of accused people and treating accused people fairly. Details: Brisbane: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2012. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice, No. 165: Accessed February 8, 2013 at: Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 127549 Keywords: Criminal Justice SystemPolice-Community RelationsPublic Attitudes (Australia)Public ConfidencePublic Opinion |
Author: Weisburd, David Title: Legitimacy, Fear and Collective Efficacy in Crime Hot Spots: Assessing the Impacts of Broken Windows Policing Strategies on Citizen Attitudes Summary: The aim of this study was to examine the impacts of broken windows policing at crime hot spots on fear of crime, ratings of police legitimacy and reports of collective efficacy among residents of targeted hot spots. A block randomized experimental design was employed to deliver a police intervention targeting disorder to 55 treatment street segments with an equal number of segments serving as controls. The main outcomes were measured using a panel telephone survey of 371 persons living or working in these street segments. Our results showed that the broken windows police intervention delivered to the crime hot spots in this study had no significant impacts on fear of crime, police legitimacy, collective efficacy, or perceptions of crime or social disorder. Perceptions of physical disorder, on the other hand, appear to have been modestly increased in the target areas. The study also did not find statistically significant changes in crime or disorder in official police data, though statistical power for these tests was low as the study was designed around the individual-level tests of the variables discussed above. As a whole, our findings suggest that recent criticisms of hot spots policing approaches which focus on possible negative “backfire” effects for residents of the targeted areas may be overstated. The study shows that residents are not aware of, or much affected by, a three hour per week dosage of aggressive order maintenance policing on their blocks (in addition to routine police responses in these areas). However, this lack of change also challenges the broken windows thesis as we did not find evidence of the reductions in fear of crime, or the increases in informal social control, that would be expected by advocates of broken windows based policing approaches. Future research needs to replicate these findings focusing on varied target populations and types of crime hot spots, while also examining different styles of hot spots policing. Details: Unpublished report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2010. 209p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 12, 2013 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239971.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239971.pdf Shelf Number: 127585 Keywords: Broken Windows Policing (U.S.)Collective EfficacyFear of CrimeHot Spots PolicingNuisance Crime and DisorderPolice LegitimacyPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Warner, Kate Title: Jury Sentencing Survey Summary: The study has three immediate aims: To investigate a new method of ascertaining public opinion by assessing the feasibility of using juries as a source of informed public opinion. To develop a new way of improving public knowledge about sentencing by using jurors as conduits of information. To ascertain attitudes to sentencing from an informed sector of the public. The broader aim of the study is to counter populist penal punitiveness by addressing the "comedy of errors"; namely, the situation that criminal justice policy and practice is not based on a proper understanding of public opinion, and public opinion is not based on a proper understanding of policy and practice. Public opinion surveys conducted across the world over the last four decades consistently find that between 70 and 80 percent of respondents think that sentences are too lenient. More sophisticated research has led researchers to label this „a methodological artefact "a result of the way in which public opinion has been measured" (Gelb 2008a: 45). It has been found that people have little accurate knowledge of crime and the criminal justice system, that those who have better knowledge are less punitive and that when given more information, people become less punitive. This suggests that a strategy to counter penal punitiveness is to improve public knowledge about crime and sentencing matters and to devise better methods of ascertaining informed public opinion. The provision of a better measure of informed public attitudes (in contrast to uninformed and flawed public opinion polls) will provide the basis for a reasoned argument for politicians and policy advisers to use when resisting calls made by the popular print and broadcasting media to increase penalties and to get tough on crime. Providing a source of informed public opinion, which can be fed into the criminal justice system, has the potential to improve public confidence in the system. Because of the relationship between ratings of confidence in the courts and perceptions of severity - those who report that sentences are too lenient are less confident in the courts - improving confidence in the courts can also reduce punitiveness. The Research Questions: The following six research questions were formulated: 1. How can juries be utilised as a source of public opinion about sentencing? Do they have the willingness and capacity to participate in a study exploring their views on sentencing? How willing are jurors to respond to invitations to stay and listen to sentencing proceedings? Do they have the willingness to read and the capacity to understand briefing information about sentencing? Are jurors willing to complete a survey form about sentencing? Are jurors willing to respond to requests to be interviewed about their views? 2. How receptive are jurors to learning about crime trends and sentencing? 3. To what extent are jurors (as newly informed members of the public) satisfied with the sentence imposed by the judge? 4. What kind of information affects public satisfaction with sentencing? Listening to the sentencing submissions? Knowledge of crime trends? Information about sentencing law and sentencing patterns? 5. What variables affect jurors' satisfaction with sentence? Variables relating to juror demographics? Variables relating to the offence type? Variables relating to the offender? Variables relating to the victim? 6. To what extent do the views of jurors as members of the public coincide or differ from those of the judge as expressed in the sentencing comments? Details: Report to the Australian Criminology Research Council, 2010. 156p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2013 at: http://www.criminologyresearchcouncil.gov.au/reports/0607-4.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.criminologyresearchcouncil.gov.au/reports/0607-4.pdf Shelf Number: 127618 Keywords: Juries (Australia)JurorsPublic OpinionPunishmentSentencing |
Author: Great Britain. HM Inspectorate of Constabulary Title: Revisiting Police Relationships: Progress Report Summary: In 2011, we published Without Fear or Favour, which looked at instances of undue influence, inappropriate contractual arrangements and other abuses of power in police relationships with the media and other parties. While we found no evidence of endemic corruption in police relationships, we did not issue a clean bill of health. This revisit found that, while forces have made some progress, particularly around putting in place processes and policies to manage threats to integrity, more needs to be done. Details: London: HMIC, 2012. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 1, 2013 at: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/media/revisiting-police-relationships.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/media/revisiting-police-relationships.pdf Shelf Number: 127742 Keywords: CorruptionPolice AdministrationPolice Behavior (U.K.)Police MisconductPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: European Crime Prevention Network Title: Public Opinion and Policy on Crime Prevention in Europe Summary: The first report in the European Crime Prevention Monitor series gave an overview of general European developments in crime and crime statistics, based on international cross-country statistics, surveys and reports (EUCPN, 2012a). Four different data sources were highlighted, with focus on recorded crime rates, victimisation data, self-reported delinquency measures and qualitative data. In this second monitor report the focus is put on people’s perceptions and attitudes on the one hand, and on priorities in crime prevention policies across Europe on the other hand. What does the general public think about the police: their relationship with the communities, their effectiveness in preventing crime, their fairness with which they wield their authoritative power, their integrity,...? What do Europeans think of the effectiveness of policies on the different levels (national vs. European)? What do they believe to be the challenges to the security in the prevention and fight against crime? These are some questions approached in this report. The information and data used to answer these questions come from the Trust in the Police & Courts Module of the European Social Survey and from the Eurobarometer surveys conducted by the European Commission. Besides these existing survey data, the EUCPN Secretariat collected some additional data from the EUCPN members on the priorities in the crime prevention policies in their countries. More specifically, questions were asked about the country’s top three priorities in crime prevention policy/strategy and compared to the country’s three most prominent crime problems based on crime statistics. Also, it was examined whether or not the top three priorities in the country’s crime prevention policy were based on statistical or recorded data, or – if not – what other basis was used to pick these priorities. And finally, some questions were added about any remarkable or new developments in the Member States over the past five years. Details: Brussels: EUCPN, 2012. 35p. Source: Internet Resoruce: European Crime Prevention Monitor 2012/2: Accessed April 5, 2013 at: http://www.eucpn.org/research/reviews.asp Year: 2012 Country: Europe URL: http://www.eucpn.org/research/reviews.asp Shelf Number: 128278 Keywords: Crime Prevention (Europe)Police-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Louie, Christine G. Title: Community Attitudes to Street Prostitution: The Downtown Eastside and Strathcona Summary: In 2006, the House of Commons “Subcommittee on Solicitation Laws” agreed unanimously that Canada’s prostitution laws are “unacceptable” and need to be changed, but its members could not agree on how to change them. Consequently, this thesis explores the experiences and attitudes of residents and business-persons to prostitution law and social policy in an area that has long been a host to street prostitution: Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. The research involved an on-line questionnaire on respondents’ attitudes to prostitution laws, safety issues, street prostitution control, and their experiences with street prostitution. The study found that while respondents (n=122) did not want street prostitution in residential areas, they did support indoor and street prostitution in non-residential areas as well as policies that aim to increase sex workers’ personal safety. Seventy-six percent of residents thought that the sale of sex should be legal and 72% thought that buying a sexual service from an adult should be legal. Seventy-five percent of residents think that the government should decriminalize adult prostitution in Canada. Details: Burnaby, BC: Simon Fraser University, School of Criminology, 2009. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed April 22, 2013 at: http://184.70.147.70/lowman_prostitution/HTML/CAP/Louie_Community_Attitudes_to_Street_Prostitution.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Canada URL: Shelf Number: 128423 Keywords: Nuisance Behaviors and DisordersProstitutesPublic OpinionSex WorkersStreet Prostitution (Canada) |
Author: Jackson, Jonathan Title: Trust and Legitimacy Across Europe: A FIDUCIA Report on Comparative Public Attitudes Towards Legal Authority Summary: FIDUCIA (New European Crimes and Trust-based Policy) seeks to shed light on a number of distinctively ‘new European’ criminal behaviours which have emerged in the last decade as a consequence of both technology developments and the increased mobility of populations across Europe. A key objective of FIDUCIA is to propose and proof a ‘trust-based’ policy model in relation to emerging forms of criminality – to explore the idea that public trust and institutional legitimacy are important for the social regulation of the trafficking of human beings, the trafficking of goods, the criminalisation of migration and ethnic minorities, and cybercrimes. In this paper we detail levels of trust and legitimacy in the 26 countries, drawing on data from Round 5 of the European Social Survey. We also conduct a sensitivity analysis that investigates the effect of a lack of measurement equivalence on national estimates. Details: London: London School of Economics, 2013. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 18, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2272975 Year: 2013 Country: Europe URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2272975 Shelf Number: 129024 Keywords: Criminal CourtsLegitimacyPolice AuthorityPolice LegitimacyPolice-Citizen InteractionsPolicingPublic Confidence (Europe)Public OpinionTrust |
Author: Pew Research Center Title: America's New Drug Policy Landscape: Two-Thirds Favor Treatment, Not Jail, for Use of Heroin, Cocaine Summary: The public appears ready for a truce in the long-running war on drugs. A national survey by the Pew Research Center finds that 67% of Americans say that the government should focus more on providing treatment for those who use illegal drugs such as heroin and cocaine. Just 26% think the government's focus should be on prosecuting users of such hard drugs. Support for a treatment-based approach to illegal drug use spans nearly all demographic groups. And while Republicans are less supportive of the treatment option than are Democrats or independents, about half of Republicans (51%) say the government should focus more on treatment than prosecution in dealing with illegal drug users. As a growing number of states ease penalties for drug possession, the public expresses increasingly positive views of the move away from mandatory sentences for non-violent drug crimes. By nearly two-to-one (63% to 32%), more say it is a good thing than a bad thing that some states have moved away from mandatory sentences for non-violent drug offenders. In 2001, Americans were evenly divided over the move by some states to abandon mandatory drug terms. The survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted Feb. 14-23 among 1,821 adults, finds that support for the legalization of marijuana use continues to increase. And fully 75% of the public - including majorities of those who favor and oppose the legal use of marijuana - think that the sale and use of marijuana will eventually be legal nationwide. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2014. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 23, 2014 at: http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/04-02-14%20Drug%20Policy%20Release.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/04-02-14%20Drug%20Policy%20Release.pdf Shelf Number: 132147 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug Abuse PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Policy (U.S.)Drug TreatmentIllegal DrugsPublic Opinion |
Author: Pew Research Center Title: Shrinking Majority of Americans Support Death Penalty Summary: According to a 2013 Pew Research Center survey, 55% of U.S. adults say they favor the death penalty for persons convicted of murder. A significant minority (37%) oppose the practice. While a majority of U.S. adults still support the death penalty, public opinion in favor of capital punishment has seen a modest decline since November 2011, the last time Pew Research asked the question. In 2011, fully six-in-ten U.S. adults (62%) favored the death penalty for murder convictions, and 31% opposed it. Public support for capital punishment has ebbed and flowed over time, as indicated by polls going all the way back to the 1930s. But it has been gradually ticking downward for the past two decades, since Pew Research began collecting survey data on this issue.1 Since 1996, the margin between those who favor the death penalty and those who oppose it has narrowed from a 60-point gap (78% favor vs. 18% oppose) to an 18-point difference in 2013 (55% favor vs. 37% oppose). Among most large U.S. religious groups, majorities support capital punishment. Roughly six-in-ten or more white evangelical Protestants (67%), white mainline Protestants (64%) and white Catholics (59%) express support for the death penalty. death-penalty-2By contrast, black Protestants are more likely to say they oppose the death penalty than support it (58% vs. 33%), as are Hispanic Catholics (54% vs. 37%). The differences among religious groups reflect the overall racial and ethnic picture on support for capital punishment. Twice as many white Americans favor the death penalty as oppose it (63% vs. 30%). Among black adults, the balance of opinion is reversed: 55% oppose capital punishment, while 36% support it. The margin is narrower among Hispanics, but more oppose the death penalty (50%) than support it (40%). Even among white adults, support for capital punishment has decreased markedly over the past two decades, from 81% in 1996 to 63% in 2013. Over the same time period, the share of blacks favoring the death penalty also has declined, from 55% to 36%. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2014. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2014 at: http://www.pewforum.org/files/2014/03/Death-Penalty_03-27-14_final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewforum.org/files/2014/03/Death-Penalty_03-27-14_final.pdf Shelf Number: 132354 Keywords: Capital Punishment Death Penalty (U.S.) Public Opinion |
Author: Summerfield, Amy Title: Public Experiences of and Attitudes towards the Family Justice System Summary: The Ministry of Justice is responsible for achieving the Government's vision of a supportive and effective family justice system. This analytical summary presents findings from the 2012/13 Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) examining public attitudes and experiences of the family justice system, including mediation. The CSEW is a nationally representative household survey. In the 2012/13 survey, around 35,000 adults were interviewed. Details: London: Ministry of Justice, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Analytical Summary: Accessed June 17, 2014 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/319365/public-experience-family-justice-system.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/319365/public-experience-family-justice-system.pdf Shelf Number: 132483 Keywords: Family CourtFamily MediationPublic AttitudesPublic Opinion |
Author: Boda, Zsolt Title: Literature Review on Fear of Crime and Public Attitudes Towards Crime, Justice and Punishment Summary: Research under WP4 "State-of-the-Art Public Perceptions" focused on drawing the general picture on attitudes towards crime, justice and punishment, as well as mapping the phenomena by their geographical and social location in Europe, and resulted in a paper featuring a literature review on fear of crime and public attitudes towards crime, justice and punishment. Specifically, the paper provides a systematic, up-to-date literature review of the key European research on fear of crime, punitive attitudes and trust in justice. The task is subdivided into sections on "trust in justice", "fear of crime", and "punitive attitudes". The aim is to identify the most common explanations that can be found in academic literature about the patterns and possible causes of fear of crime, punitive attitudes and trust in justice. Details: Fiducia (New European Crimes and Trust-Based Policy), 2012. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 7, 2014 at: http://www.fiduciaproject.eu/media/press_releases/8/D4.1.Literature%20review%20on%20fear%20of%20crime%20and%20public%20attitudes%20towards%20crime,%20justice%20and%20punishment.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.fiduciaproject.eu/media/press_releases/8/D4.1.Literature%20review%20on%20fear%20of%20crime%20and%20public%20attitudes%20towards%20crime,%20justice%20and%20punishment.pdf Shelf Number: 132629 Keywords: Fear of CrimePublic AttitudesPublic OpinionPunishment |
Author: Ipsos MORI Scotland Title: Public Perceptions of Organised Crime in Scotland Summary: 1.1 To help explore public perceptions of organised crime in Scotland, the Scottish Government commissioned a module of questions in the spring wave of the Ipsos MORI Scottish Public Opinion Monitor, a quarterly telephone survey carried out among a representative sample of c.1,000 adults (18+) in Scotland. 1.2 The Scottish Public Opinion Monitor is a multi-client survey carried out by telephone among a random sample of adults across Scotland every quarter. Respondents are selected using random digit dialling and, to ensure the achieved sample is broadly representative of the Scottish adult population (18+), sample quotas are set on age, sex and working status and region. All interviews are conducted using Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI). 1.3 For this wave, a total of 1,001 respondents across Scotland were interviewed between 29th April and 5th May 2013. 1.4 The data are weighted to match the known profile of the Scottish population by age, sex and working status using census data; tenure using Scottish Household Survey data; and public-private sector employment using Scottish Government Quarterly public sector employment series data. Details: Edinburgh: Scottish Government Social Research, 2013. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 6, 2014 at: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0043/00434422.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0043/00434422.pdf Shelf Number: 133569 Keywords: Organized Crime (Scotland) Public Opinion |
Author: All Party Parliamentary Group for Children Title: "It's All About Trust": Building good relationships between children and police Summary: During this inquiry, the All Party Parliamentary Group for Children took evidence from children and young people, organisations working with children and young people, and representatives from police forces across the country. The inquiry heard that children and young people's attitudes towards the police are often characterised by feelings of mistrust and sometimes fear. The majority of those giving evidence were clear that more work is needed if there are to be strong and positive relationships between children, young people and the police. There are examples of good practice, reflecting the work of police leaders and officers who are dedicated to improving the way they work with children. However, these examples of good practice are not replicated across the country. Key findings Section one of this report summarises the views and experiences of children and young people involved with the police, based on evidence given to the inquiry by children and young people themselves and those who work with them. Section two examines current police practice with children and young people, and the policy and legislative framework that governs the work of police forces. Overall, the inquiry found that: There is a lack of trust in the police among many children and young people. Some children and young people fear the police. Encounters between the two groups are often characterised by poor and unconstructive communication and a lack of mutual respect. Experts told the APPGC that it takes time and hard work to change these ingrained attitudes and behaviours. It is critical that in every encounter with the police, under 18s are be treated as children first, with all officers having regard for their welfare, safety and well-being, as required under sections 10 and 11 of the Children Act 2004 and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Certain groups of children and young people, many of whom are likely to have higher levels of contact with the police, share similar feelings and attitudes. Children in care, who are over-represented in the youth justice system, can have negative early experiences of the police and do not always get the support and protection they need. The additional vulnerabilities of children with special educational needs, a language or communication difficulty, or mental health needs can be overlooked or exacerbated in encounters with the police. The way in which the police treat children who have been trafficked or experienced sexual abuse was described as a 'postcode lottery' - these children are often confused by police processes and report being treated with a lack of respect. First contact with the police is important in shaping children and young people's attitudes, yet for a significant number of children and young people this experience is a negative one. There are examples of positive school and community initiatives that help children and young people encounter the police in a positive context. However, for many, the first contact will be as a victim or suspected offender. Therefore the way in which the police carry out processes - such as the way they use stop and search or the way they treat children who are arrested and detained - is vital for building trust and respect. Many children and young people will first have contact with the police when they are stopped and searched. While young people understand why the police need to use stop and search, they feel they are stopped too often and for insufficient reason, that they are not treated with respect, and that the police do not explain the process or reason for the stop. For those who are arrested and detained, the experience can be traumatic and upsetting, with very vulnerable children often exposed to a space designed for adults, usually without separate or designated facilities for children. Some children and young people are involved in police initiatives through their schools and communities, such as Safer School Partnerships or Voluntary Police Cadets, which help break down barriers and negative perceptions. These examples of positive engagement are, however, not found in all schools or communities and are being threatened by reductions in police budgets. There are examples of police forces which work hard to listen to and engage with children and young people in a variety of contexts, and to treat them, first and foremost, as children in all aspects of the police process. However, these positive approaches are not reflected across the country. Greater effort is needed nationally to assist local police forces in identifying and implementing good practice examples from other parts of the country. Training and professional development for police officers should enable them to understand how they can improve their practice to meet the needs of children and young people. The policy and legislative framework governing the work of the police does not pay sufficient attention to the needs of children and young people or address the specific considerations of working with this age group. In particular: o the rights and specific needs of children must be reflected in guidance relating to the stop and search process, and searches should only take place, particularly on younger children, when absolutely necessary; o 17 year-olds should have the same rights and entitlements as younger children in legislation and guidance relating to police processes; o police forces should have designated or separate custody facilities for children and young people, and provide access to youth liaison and diversion to identify and address needs; o a focused effort is needed to ensure that all children and young people who are refused bail after being charged are transferred to local authority accommodation, as is required by law; and o nationally endorsed guidance and protocols should be put in place for the purpose of reducing the criminalisation of children in care. Details: London: All Party Parliamentary Group for Children, 2014. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 30, 2014 at: http://www.ncb.org.uk/media/1164355/appgc_children_and_police_report_-_final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.ncb.org.uk/media/1164355/appgc_children_and_police_report_-_final.pdf Shelf Number: 133842 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice Legitimacy (U.K.)Police-Citizen InteractionsPublic AttitudesPublic Opinion |
Author: Opportunity Agenda Title: An Overview of Public Opinion and Discourse on Criminal Justice Issues Summary: Our report, "An Overview of Public Opinion and Discourse on Criminal Justice Issues," examines the American public discourse on crime, the criminal justice system, and criminal justice reform. The report is divided into four sections. - Public Opinion Research: This section seeks to understand the extent and the direction of America's changing attitudes toward the criminal justice system. - Media Coverage of Criminal Justice Reform: This part analyzes how mainstream media covers criminal justice reform issues. - Media Coverage of Racial Justice Issues: This analysis looks at the coverage of racial profiling in major U.S. newspapers, broadcast news shows, and popular news blogs. - Criminal Justice and Social Media: This section analyzes and explains social media content, engagement, and trends on discourse around criminal justice. The report seeks to help reform leaders, organizations, and allies to build public support for effective solutions to criminal justice issues. It also provides useful insights for journalists, news outlets, and commentators who cover-or could cover-criminal justice. America's Views on Criminal Justice Despite America's decreasing crime rates, the country's criminal justice system is larger than ever. The economic and social impact of incarcerating 2.3 million Americans affects many communities, homes, and families alike. Nevertheless, Americans' views on the criminal justice system have changed, creating the environment for key stakeholders in government agencies, the president, and the legislative branch to hear advocates for criminal justice reform and enact positive changes to the system. Moving Forward The nation's experiment with mass incarceration is being scrutinized and critiqued as never before, which brings criminal justice reform to the public policy agenda. Understanding today's public discourse-how Americans think, feel, and communicate about crime-must be the foundation for bringing about this paradigm shift going forward. Details: New York: Opportunity Agenda, 2014. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2014 at: http://opportunityagenda.org/files/field_file/2014.08.23-CriminalJusticeReport-FINAL_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://opportunityagenda.org/files/field_file/2014.08.23-CriminalJusticeReport-FINAL_0.pdf Shelf Number: 134011 Keywords: Criminal Justice PolicyCriminal Justice Reform (U.S.)Mass CommunicationsPublic OpinionRacial JusticeRacial ProfilingSocial Media |
Author: Pew Charitable Trusts Title: Public Opinion on Juvenile Justice in America Summary: Voters support sending serious juvenile offenders to corrections facilities, but they favor a range of less-costly alternatives for lower-level offenders, according to a nationwide poll conducted in 2014 by a bipartisan team of pollsters, the Mellman Group and Public Opinion Strategies. Voters see juvenile corrections facilities as government programs that should be subject to a basic cost-benefit test, and they strongly support a more robust probation system and more intervention by families, schools, and social service agencies. When it comes to the juvenile justice system, voters want offending youth to get the services and supervision they need to change their behavior and stop committing crimes-even if that means less incarceration. Key Findings - Voters support diverting lower-level juvenile offenders from corrections facilities and investing the savings into probation and other alternatives. - Support for juvenile justice reform is strong across political parties, regions, and age, gender, and racial-ethnic groups. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Charitable Trusts, 2014. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 21, 2015 at: http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/Assets/2014/12/PSPP_juvenile_poll_web.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/Assets/2014/12/PSPP_juvenile_poll_web.pdf Shelf Number: 134427 Keywords: Juvenile Justice ReformJuvenile Justice System (U.S.)Public AttitudesPublic Opinion |
Author: Halstead, Imogen Title: Public confidence in the New South Wales criminal justice system: 2014 update Summary: Aim: To assess (1) the level of public confidence in the New South Wales (NSW) criminal justice system (CJS) in 2014, (2) the relationship between confidence levels and individuals' characteristics, including personal exposure to crime, and media consumption behaviours, (3) how confidence in the NSW CJS has changed since 2007, and (4) whether changes in confidence are associated with changing perceptions of crime and criminal justice outcomes. Method: Data are sourced from a repeat cross-sectional survey of the NSW public (n=2,002 in 2007; n=2,001 in 2012; n=1,989 in 2014). Variation in confidence levels across the 2014 sample and over time is documented and tested for statistical significance. Basic logistic regression models are developed to predict respondents' confidence as a function of their individual characteristics, and extended to control for variation in their perceptions of crime and justice outcomes. Results: The results suggest that two out of every three NSW residents (64 per cent) are confident that the CJS brings people who commit crimes to justice. Just 44 per cent of residents are confident that the CJS meets the needs of victims, compared with 81 per cent confidence that the CJS treats individuals accused of committing crimes fairly and respects their rights. Most residents (66 per cent) believe sentences handed down are too lenient. One in three residents (35 per cent) are confident that the CJS deals with cases promptly. Personal exposure to crime is associated with lower levels of confidence in the CJS in general, and confidence also varies across groups with different media consumption habits. Since 2012, there has been a slight reduction in confidence around whether the CJS meets the needs of victims, and punitiveness appears to have intensified. Otherwise, public confidence in the justice system remained largely unchanged over this two-year window. Confidence is at higher levels than those recorded in 2007, and this partly reflects slight corrections in public perceptions of crime and justice outcomes. Conclusion: Public confidence in the NSW CJS has improved since 2007, but pervasive misperceptions around crime trends and justice outcomes seemingly continue to undermine confidence. The magnitude of the media's influence on confidence levels remains an open question. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice No. 182: Accessed February 16, 2015 at: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/agdbasev7wr/_assets/bocsar/m716854l2/cjb182.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/agdbasev7wr/_assets/bocsar/m716854l2/cjb182.pdf Shelf Number: 134623 Keywords: Citizens AttitudesCriminal Justice System (Australia)Public ConfidencePublic Opinion |
Author: Zechmeister, Elizabeth J., ed. Title: The Political Culture of Democracy in the Americas, 2014: Democratic Governance across 10 Years of the AmericasBarometer Summary: he 2014 Americas Barometer data and the corresponding regional report mark an important milestone for the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP): we are now able to assess over a decade of values, assessments, and experience as that have been reported to us though first-hand accounts by citizens across the region. The Americas Barometer surveys, spanning from 2004 to 2014, allow us to capture both change and continuity in the region on indicators that are vital to the quality and health of democracy across the Americas. In looking back over the decade, one trend is clear: citizens of the Americas are more concerned today about issues of crime and violence than they were a decade ago. We take this fact as a cornerstone for this report, and devote the first three chapters to an assessment of citizens - experiences with, evaluations of, and reactions to issues of crime and insecurity. We then proceed in the subsequent four chapters to address topics that are considered "core" to the Americas Barometer project: citizens - assessments of the economy and corruption; their interactions with and evaluations of local government; and, their democratic support and attitudes. In each of these cases we identify key trends, developments, and sources of variation on these dimensions and examine links between these core issues of crime and insecurity. Thus, the goal of this report is to provide a comparative perspective - across time, countries, and individuals - on issues that are central to democratic governance in the Americas, with a particular focus on how countries, governments, and citizens are faring in the face of the heightened insecurity that characterizes the region. Details: Washington, DC: United States Agency for International Development, 2014. 325p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 9, 2015 at: http://seguridadcondemocracia.org/administrador_de_carpetas/biblioteca_virtual/pdf/AB2014_Comparative_Report_English_V3_revised_120514_W.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Latin America URL: http://seguridadcondemocracia.org/administrador_de_carpetas/biblioteca_virtual/pdf/AB2014_Comparative_Report_English_V3_revised_120514_W.pdf Shelf Number: 135204 Keywords: Economic Conditions and CrimeFear of CrimePolitical CorruptionPublic OpinionSecurityViolence |
Author: Fontaine, Jocelyn Title: Community Ties, Public Safety and Reentry: Residents' Perspectives Summary: This brief focuses on community surveys conducted in Garfield Park and West Englewood in November 2009 as part of the evaluation of the Safer Return Demonstration. The brief discusses residents perspectives on community resources, social control and cohesion, police officials, crime and victimization, and perceptions of individuals returning from prison to the community. It finds the two neighborhoods comparable in socio-demographic characteristics and that the reentry context in both neighborhoods is depressed overall, but worse in West Englewood than Garfield Park. There is tremendous support for returning prisoners among community residents, which assists Safer Return and other community-based reentry programs. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 6, 2015 at: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/alfresco/publication-pdfs/413075-Community-Ties-Public-Safety-and-Reentry-Residents-Perspectives.PDF Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/alfresco/publication-pdfs/413075-Community-Ties-Public-Safety-and-Reentry-Residents-Perspectives.PDF Shelf Number: 135518 Keywords: Collaboration Partnerships Prisoner Reentry (Chicago) Public Opinion |
Author: Ellis, Tom Title: Body-Worn Video: Evaluation of the Introduction of Personal Issue Body Worn Video Cameras (Operation Hyperion) on the Isle of Wight: Final Report to Hampshire Constabulary Summary: This study evaluated the impact of issuing all police officers on the Isle of Wight with Body Worn Video (BWV) cameras on 1 July 2013. It is based mainly on a series of measures in the year prior to camera issue compared to the same measures in the year after issue. These measures included data on changes in: public opinion; occurrences and crime; criminal justice processes (domestic assault) and complaints against police. In addition, there was also survey of IoW officers' views on BWV cameras and observational fieldwork. Isle of Wight public opinion on police BWV cameras - The Isle of Wight (IoW) public's trust in police to record all appropriate incidents with cameras is very high - 58% were aware of cameras after personal issue which was significantly higher than 26% in the period immediately before - Only 11% of residents in the "before" period had seen a police officer using BWV cameras which significantly increased to 29% in the "after" period - There was an overwhelmingly positive (84-96%) public attitude toward police use of cameras in: - gathering evidence - identifying criminals - increasing convictions - improving training - improving disciplinary procedures - Before personal issue, IoW public was less convinced cameras would reduce: complaints against the police; assaults on police; and crime and ASB. All ratings significantly improved after the roll out of personal issue BWV cameras - There was a significant rise (to 82%) in IoW public belief that all uniformed officers should use cameras. Isle of Wight Police Officers' views on BWV camera use - Officers' views on BWV cameras, where comparable, largely coincided with those of IoW public - IoW officers had significantly lower confidence than the public in cameras reducing assaults on police, but significantly higher confidence in them reducing complaints against them - Frontline officers were significantly more positive than non-frontline (mainly investigative) officers in valuing the deployment of personal issue BWV cameras on the IoW - The vast majority of officers agreed that all PCSOs should wear BWVs when on duty. Details: Portsmouth, UK: University of Portsmouth, Institute of Criminal Justice Studies, 2015. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 6, 2015 at: http://www.bwvsg.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/Ellis-Evaluation-Worn-Cameras.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.bwvsg.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/Ellis-Evaluation-Worn-Cameras.pdf Shelf Number: 135526 Keywords: AssaultsBody-Worn Cameras (U.K.)Complaints Against PoliceDisorderly ConductPolice TechnologyPublic OpinionSurveillanceVideo Cameras |
Author: Coleman, Nick Title: A Randomised Controlled Trial on Public Information Provision Summary: The NPIA's Research, Analysis and Information Unit (RAI) commissioned NatCen to design and carry out a survey based on a Randomised Controlled Trial (RCT) with members of the public. The overall aim was to assess the impact that information about crime and policing has on public perceptions. The research stems from a Home Office commitment to making maps of local data on crime and anti-social behaviour publicly available. The commitment is part of a broader strategy to increase the volume and quality of information accessible to the public on crime and policing, with a view to enhancing transparency and public knowledge, as well as fostering greater external scrutiny of police performance locally. By early 2009, all police forces in England and Wales were expected to provide information on crime mapping and neighbourhood policing on their websites, in line with the jointly-issued Code of Good Practice on local information provision The purpose of the study was to test the impact of crime maps on public perceptions, alongside other approaches to information provision. Overall, the study had four specific objectives: - To show whether crime maps have a positive impact on public perceptions when viewed under 'controlled' conditions (compared to no information). - To establish whether information about neighbourhood policing has a positive impact on public perceptions when viewed under 'controlled' conditions (compared to no information). - To find out whether a 'package' of information on crime and policing has an effect on public perception equal to, or greater than, crime maps on their own (compared to no information). - To discover whether online information and printed information have the same effect on public perceptions (compared to no information); this aim was subsequently excluded from the study at the pilot stage. Details: London: National Policing Improvement Agency (NPIA), 2009. 103p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 21, 2015 at: http://whatworks.college.police.uk/Research/Documents/Technical_Report_-_Crime_and_Policing_Information.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://whatworks.college.police.uk/Research/Documents/Technical_Report_-_Crime_and_Policing_Information.pdf Shelf Number: 135747 Keywords: Crime MapsCrime PreventionNeighborhood PolicingPolice-Community RelationsPublic InformationPublic Opinion |
Author: Miethe, Terance D. Title: Public Attitudes about Aerial Drone Activities: Results of a National Survey Summary: Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) or Unmanned Aircraft Systems (UAS), commonly known as "drones," collect information and provide visual monitoring of activities in a variety of public and private settings. These free-flying aircraft are controlled by remote and digital technology. Six states (Alaska, New York, Nevada, North Dakota, Texas, and Virginia) have been federally designated as test sites for identifying operational and safety issues associated with drone technology. Although several national opinion polls have been conducted over the last several years on drone use for military purposes, less is known about public attitudes and support for drone usage in other contexts. These additional contexts for drone applications include land use patterns, geographical/climatic photo mapping, crowd management, and specific areas within criminal justice (e.g., border patrols, detecting traffic violators, home and business security). Due to the recent and dramatic growth in media attention to drone technology, it is important to establish an empirical baseline of the current level of public knowledge and attitudes about aerial drone usage to track future changes in the public's acceptance of this emerging technology. This Research in Brief summarizes the results of multiple national surveys of public knowledge and support of the use of aerial drone technology in a variety of public and private settings. It is based on samples of 636 U.S. adult citizens who completed internet surveys in the first week of June 2014. A summary of the results, demographic factors associated with levels of awareness and support for drone usage, the public policy implications of these findings, and limitations of this study are described. Details: Las Vegas: University of Nevada at Las Vegas, Center for Crime and Justice Policy, 2014. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Research in Brief: Accessed May 21, 2015 at: http://www.unlv.edu/sites/default/files/page_files/3/Public-Attitudes-About-Aerial.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.unlv.edu/sites/default/files/page_files/3/Public-Attitudes-About-Aerial.pdf Shelf Number: 135753 Keywords: Aerial DronesDrones PrivacyPublic OpinionSurveillance |
Author: Lieberman, Joel D. Title: Aerial Drones, Domestic Surveillance, and Public Opinion of Adults in the United States Summary: HIGHLIGHTS - Over 95% of U.S. adults in this survey are opposed to using drones to monitor people's daily activities around their home. The majority of respondents are also opposed to drones monitoring people at work (77%) and in their daily activities in open public places (63%). - Public attitudes about using drones for domestic surveillance vary across different social groups. For surveillance in both public and private places, opposition to drone use is highest among persons with lower incomes and those who emphasize individualism (i.e., prefer a government that focuses on individual rights over public safety). - A strong majority of respondents agreed that drone surveillance is an invasion of privacy, especially when it occurs around the home (88%) or at work (79%). High levels of agreement across context were also found in people's views of drones as "excessive surveillance." These two concerns were the major reasons for opposition to domestic surveillance by drones. - A belief that drones increase public safety is the primary reason given by respondents who support their use for domestic surveillance. This is especially true for public opinion about the government's use of drones in open public places. - Respondents were most supportive of drone use for surveillance in open public places when it was being conducted by a federal government agency (33% supported this activity), followed by state and local police (28%), mass media (18%), commercial business (14%), and private citizens (13%). Details: Las Vegas: University of Nevada at Las Vegas, Center for Crime and Justice Policy, 2014. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 21, 2015 at: http://www.unlv.edu/sites/default/files/page_files/3/Aerial-Drones.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.unlv.edu/sites/default/files/page_files/3/Aerial-Drones.pdf Shelf Number: 135754 Keywords: Aerial Drones Privacy Public Opinion Public PlacesSurveillance |
Author: Cho, David Title: Restoring Public Confidence: Recommendations For Improving Oversight of the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department Summary: The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department, one of the largest policing agencies in the nation, has been the subject of media and public criticism for decades. Despite numerous attempts at reform over the past twenty years, the Department continues to exhibit numerous problems, ranging from excessive use of force to personnel corruption. In 2011, the Board of Supervisors formed the Citizens' Commission on Jail Violence in hopes of creating a better Sheriff's Department. In its report, the Commission called for the creation of an Office of the Inspector General (OIG) - an agency that would attempt to remedy the deficiencies present in the Sheriff's three current oversight entities. Special Counsel, the Office of Ombudsman, and the Office of Independent Review handle current Sheriff's Department audits, complaints, and investigations, respectively. They operate largely independent of one another and lack the coordination necessary for effective oversight. Thus, our analysis offered a design for a consolidated Office of the Inspector General. We relied on expert interviews, comparisons of other oversight bodies, internal LA County documents, financial review of County and external budget documents, and previous findings and literature for the majority of our data and information. We used these data to identify a combination of common elements and functions shared by oversight bodies: agency independence, investigative authority allowing for initiation of case investigations and policy audits, jail monitoring, reviewing of complaints, quality assurance/risk management, and communication & public engagement. Identifying these key elements allowed us to analyze the design of an OIG by considering the presence or absence of these elements. This discussion led us to consider three policy options for potential OIG models: - An Expert-Informed model that was constructed by the common views and opinions of industry experts on what elements and functions constitute an "ideal" OIG. - A Client-Preference model that captures the County's current preferences and its preliminary ideas of the structure and function of the OIG. - And a Hybrid model, which we propose that seeks to moderate the extremes of the previous two models. In evaluating these options, we considered the degree of oversight provided, political feasibility, and ease of implementation. Based on our analysis, we provided two recommendations for the design of an LA County Office of the Inspector General: - Short-term Recommendation: Due to the difficulties associated with pursuing statutory authority1 at the current time and because of the deficiencies in oversight present in the client's current preferences, we recommend that LA County pursue the Hybrid model. This model provides a fairly high level of oversight (even with the lack of statutory authority) and faces no significant barriers to implementation. - Long-term Recommendation: The County should adopt the Expert-Informed model by pursuing an amendment to the California Constitution in order to establish an OIG that has statutory authority and can compel the Sheriff to action. In addition, we evaluated the funding and staffing needs for the Hybrid model based on the assumption that the County must at least maintain the current staffing levels for the current three oversight bodies. At a minimum, the OIG will need to be staffed by twenty-five individuals led by an Inspector General. Their combined salaries, pension, and benefits, would cost the County approximately $3.5 million per year. Approximately another $1.1 million would be needed for annual operation costs for a total OIG budget of approximately $4.8 million per year. Los Angeles County has a unique opportunity to improve oversight of the Sheriff's Department. Various County stakeholders need to ensure that the Office of the Inspector General takes a leading role in this task. By identifying, correcting, and preventing issues, the OIG will begin to restore public trust in the Sheriff's Department. Details: Los Angeles: Meyer and Renee Luskin School of Public Affairs, University of California, Los Angeles, 2015. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 23, 2015 at: http://luskin.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/13%20-%20County%20Sheriff.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://luskin.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/13%20-%20County%20Sheriff.pdf Shelf Number: 136140 Keywords: OmbudsmanPublic ConfidencePublic OpinionSheriffs |
Author: Jansson, Krista Title: Public confidence in the Criminal Justice System - findings from the Crime Survey for England and Wales (2013/14) Summary: Public confidence in the Criminal Justice System (CJS) is an important aim for the Ministry of Justice. Ensuring the public believe the CJS is fair and effective can be important for the efficient functioning of the system, for example in securing cooperation from victims and witnesses. This report provides an overview of levels of confidence in the CJS and the extent to which perceptions and experiences of crime, disorder and local policing are related to confidence in the CJS. The report is based on the 2013/14 Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) and supports existing evidence based on the survey (e.g. Smith, 2010; Hough et al., 2013) with the latest findings. Key findings - Levels of confidence in the fairness and effectiveness of the CJS increased slightly between 2012/13 and 2013/14, continuing the longer-term trends of increases in both measures. Levels of confidence in CJS fairness have been consistently higher than levels in CJS effectiveness. In the 2013/14 CSEW, 64 per cent of respondents said they were very or fairly confident the CJS was fair and 48 per cent said they were very or fairly confident the CJS was effective. - Confidence in the different CJS agencies and different aspects of CJS fairness varies. For example, while the majority of adults were confident in the police being effective at catching criminals (69%), fewer than a quarter were confident in prisons being effective at rehabilitating offenders (22%). Analysis of the 2013/14 CSEW demonstrated, in line with previous research, that levels of confidence in the CJS vary between adults depending on their experiences of crime and disorder. - Adults who had been victims of crime or witnessed certain types of crime were less likely to have confidence in the CJS than those who had not. - Adults who perceived higher levels of crime and antisocial behaviour (ASB) in their local area were less likely to have confidence in the CJS than those who perceived lower levels of crime or ASB in their local area. - Those who reported having committed theft, vandalism or violence since the age of 16 were less likely to have confidence in the CJS than those who had not. Perceptions and awareness of local police and collective efficacy were also associated with confidence in the CJS. - Those who had positive perceptions of the local police, e.g. in terms of being informed of crime and ASB issues in the area and what was being done about them, were more likely to be confident in the CJS than those who were not. A range of other measures related to police, including visibility of local police, were also associated with confidence in the CJS. - Collective efficacy, as measured by the perceived likelihood of people in the neighbourhood intervening if they saw a fight or children painting graffiti, was also positively associated with confidence in the CJS. Details: London: Ministry of Justice, 2015. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Analytical Summary: Accessed July 30, 2015 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/449444/public-confidence.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/449444/public-confidence.pdf Shelf Number: 136265 Keywords: Police LegitimacyPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Harris, Anita Title: Young Australians' attitudes to violence against women. Findings from the 2013 National Community Attitudes towards Violence Against Women Survey for respondents 16-24 years Summary: Violence against women is widely recognised as a global issue. It is an often invisible, but common form of violence, and an insidious violation of human rights. It has serious impacts on the health and wellbeing of those affected and exacts significant economic costs on communities and nations. Australia is not immune. The National Community Attitudes towards Violence Against Women Survey was developed by VicHealth in partnership with The University of Melbourne, the Social Research Centre and experts across Australia, and supported by the Australian Government Department of Social Services as part of the National Plan to Reduce Violence against Women and their Children 2010-2022. This is the third survey of its kind, with the first undertaken in 1995 and the second in 2009. The survey tells us that we have been able to challenge a culture that allows violence against women to occur. There have been sustained improvements since 1995 in a number of areas. However, there are other areas in which progress has been minimal, along with some concerning negative findings. This report focuses on the responses given by 1,923 young people aged between 16 - 22 years who participated in NCAS. These findings are compared with those aged 35 - 64 years of age, enabling results to be compared between two generations: young people and their parents. The report identifies positive attitudes and some areas of concern with regard to the attitudes of young people on violence. Details: Carlton South, Victoria: VICHealth, 2015. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 5, 2015 at: http://apo.org.au/research/young-australians-attitudes-violence-against-women Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://apo.org.au/research/young-australians-attitudes-violence-against-women Shelf Number: 136950 Keywords: Abused womenFamily violenceInterpersonal ViolenceOpinion SurveyPublic OpinionViolence Against Women |
Author: Sharapov, Kiril Title: Understanding Public Knowledge and Attitudes towards Trafficking in Human Beings. Part 1 Summary: Despite Europe being a major thoroughfare for human trafficking and exploited labour that enables many European consumers to live 'the good life', research presented in this paper shows that many citizens do not understand human trafficking, nor do they see it as a problem in their everyday lives. Over the last decade, human trafficking has become a policy priority for governments in all European countries, for non-governmental organizations that provide services to victims of trafficking, and for researchers attempting to assess its magnitude. However, little is still known about how many people are trafficked into and exploited within Europe, and how many people are exploited across national economies without being trafficked in the first place. Little is also known about public understanding of human trafficking and public attitudes towards this phenomenon. This study addresses a gap in knowledge in this field and highlights differences in the levels of awareness of human trafficking among the general public in Great Britain, Ukraine, and Hungary. It relies on representative surveys of public understanding and attitudes towards human trafficking in these countries, which represent one of the many trafficking routes from Eastern into Central and Western Europe. The surveys were completed between December 2013 and January 2014. Details: Budapest: Center for Policy Studies, Central European University, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 20, 2015 at: https://cps.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/publications/cps-working-paper-upkat-public-knowledge-and-attitudes-towards-thb-2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: https://cps.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/publications/cps-working-paper-upkat-public-knowledge-and-attitudes-towards-thb-2014.pdf Shelf Number: 137036 Keywords: Forced LaborHuman TraffickingPublic AttitudesPublic Opinion |
Author: Sharapov, Kiril Title: Understanding Public Knowledge and Attitudes towards Trafficking in Human Beings. Part 2 Summary: Part 2 of this research report should be read and considered within the context of the discussion, methodological overview and survey data analysis introduced in part 1 (Sharapov 2014a). In picking up where Part 1 left off, Part 2 explores how survey respondents answered a series of agree/disagree statements in relation to various issues associated with trafficking in human beings. The project's survey questionnaire is included as Annex 1 in Part 1. Details: Budapest: Center for Policy Studies, Central European University, 2015. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 20, 2015 at: https://cps.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/publications/cps-working-paper-upkat-public-knowledge-and-attitudes-towards-thb-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: https://cps.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/publications/cps-working-paper-upkat-public-knowledge-and-attitudes-towards-thb-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137038 Keywords: Forced LaborHuman Trafficking Public Attitudes Public Opinion |
Author: Grossmith, Lynne Title: Police, Camera, Evidence: London's cluster randomised controlled trial of Body Worn Video Summary: Overall the findings suggest there are potential benefits of Body Worn Video (BWV), although those related to criminal justice outcomes were not fully realised during the timescales of the trial and need the support of criminal justice partners to be achieved. - BWV can reduce the number of allegations against officers, particularly of oppressive behaviour. Complaints related to interactions with the public also reduced and, although it did not reach statistical significance, the trend in overall complaints was consistent with these findings. - There was no overall impact of BWV on the number or type of stop and searches conducted. In addition, there were no differences in officers - self-reported behaviour relating to how they conducted stops. - No effect was found on the proportion of arrests for violent crime. When an arrest had occurred, there was a slightly lower proportion of charges by officers in a BWV team. - There was no evidence that BWV changed the way police officers dealt with victims or suspects. - The Public Attitude Survey found, in general, London residents are supportive of BWV, with their opinions of the technology positively associated with their views of how 'procedurally just' the police are, and their confidence in the MPS. - Officers reported a range of innovative uses of BWV, including professional development; use of intelligence; and sharing information with partners and the public. Details: London: College of Policing Limited and the Mayor's Office for Policing And Crime (MOPAC), 2015. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2015 at: http://whatworks.college.police.uk/Research/Documents/Police_Camera_Evidence.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://whatworks.college.police.uk/Research/Documents/Police_Camera_Evidence.pdf Shelf Number: 137399 Keywords: Body-Worn Cameras (U.K.) Complaints Against Police Disorderly Conduct Police LegitimacyPolice Technology Public Opinion Surveillance Video Cameras |
Author: Katz, Walter W. Title: Body-Worn Cameras: Policy Recommendations and Review of LASD's Pilot Program Summary: Portable video recording technology has radically altered urban law enforcement in recent years. Unfortunately, cash-strapped police agencies have been slow to incorporate this technology fully and now face community pressure to do so rapidly. In the face of strong public concern over police use of force, the time has come to overcome technological, political, and budgetary hurdles and incorporate fixed video, car mounted video and body-worn cameras into all urban police departments. The use of these tools will enhance accountability, public confidence in police officers and public understanding of policing. This report provides information regarding the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department's pilot program to test and evaluate body-worn camera systems and makes recommendations for the Department as it implements them. Regardless of policy decisions, video evidence is shaping law enforcement and police agencies must use it to full advantage to help provide the quality policing that the public deserves. In September 2014, the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department (hereinafter, LASD or the Department) initiated a volunteer pilot program to test body-worn camera systems (BWCS or body-camera) under patrol conditions at four stations across Los Angeles County. A body-worn camera is a small device that records video and sound. The camera is mounted on the officer's uniform and records deputy interactions with the public and can gather video evidence at crime scenes. The chief goals of the LASD's pilot program were "to accurately address allegations of misconduct and increase the public's trust." In addition, the LASD hoped that video and audio recordings would "prove beneficial in criminal proceedings, administrative investigations, service complaints and civil liability claims." The Department's pilot program ran from September 2014 through April 2015, tested four brands and five models of body-worn camera systems and deployed 96 cameras. In order to provide guidance for the volunteer deputies regarding when to employ the body cameras and on which subjects or events, the Department developed a set of guidelines covering camera activation and deactivation, expectations of privacy, operating procedures, when Department members are allowed to view recordings and retention of footage. Over the course of the program's eight-month run, the Department obtained detailed feedback from the participants, through both electronic questionnaires and focus groups that were held at each of the four stations and attended by OIG representatives. In addition to monitoring the pilot program, the OIG reviewed body-camera policies and reports from other jurisdictions as well as policy recommendations on the subject by nationally recognized law enforcement research organizations and leading advocacy organizations. The OIG then assimilated this information with trends that emerged from the LASD pilot program participants' feedback. Details: Los Angeles: Office of Inspector General, County of Los Angeles, 2015. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2015 at: https://oig.lacounty.gov/Portals/OIG/Reports/Body-Worn%20Cameras_OIG%20Report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://oig.lacounty.gov/Portals/OIG/Reports/Body-Worn%20Cameras_OIG%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 137412 Keywords: Body-Worn Cameras Complaints Against Police Disorderly Conduct Police LegitimacyPolice Technology Public Opinion Surveillance Video Cameras |
Author: Bunten, Alexis Title: Caning, Context and Class - Mapping the Gaps Between Expert and Public Understandings of Public Safety Summary: This particular report lays the groundwork for this larger reframing effort by comparing expert discourse on the topic with the ways that average Americans think and talk about public safety. Data from interviews with both groups are compared to locate and examine gaps in understanding surrounding issues pertaining to public safety. In addition to presenting these gaps, this report outlines their implications for communications. Future phases of this project will offer strategies to fill these gaps and address other aspects of public understanding by designing and testing tools that can be employed to effectively and efficiently translate expert and advocate information. This report begins with a summary of foundational themes and concepts experts rely upon to understand, explain and talk about the issues related to public safety. It then turns to a discussion of the research conducted with American citizens through "cultural models interviews" designed to elicit the implicit patterns of thought that Americans share and bring to bear in thinking about and making sense of issues of public safety and criminal justice. These implicit patterns of thinking are referred to here as "cultural models," in that they represent highly conventionalized, broadly shared modes of understanding shaped by Americans' experiences with media, as well as other mediums of common discourse, experience and culture. This discussion is accompanied by a presentation of the communications implications of these cultural models. The final section of this report "maps the gaps" through a comparison of the expert discourse and Americans' cultural models. This analysis reveals specific gaps and overlaps between both groups' understandings. With improved knowledge of these features, we are then able to move toward the second stage of Strategic Frame Analysis, which involves identifying communications strategies that build on these overlaps and close the gaps. In so doing, the larger goal of this research is to give Americans access to new ways of thinking about how we might improve public safety through reforming the criminal justice system. Details: Washington, DC: Frameworks Institute, 2011. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 8, 2016 at: http://www.frameworksinstitute.org/assets/files/pub_safety/public_safety_mapthegaps.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.frameworksinstitute.org/assets/files/pub_safety/public_safety_mapthegaps.pdf Shelf Number: 137440 Keywords: Criminal Justice ReformPublic KnowledgePublic OpinionPublic Safety |
Author: Simon, Adam F. Title: Framing and Facts: Necessary Synergies in Communicating about Public Safety and Criminal Justice Summary: It can be argued that nothing is as emblematic of the travails of race in American life as the criminal justice system. Criminal justice advocates have long used facts about the system's racial biases to call for the need for sweeping reforms - advocating for changes to make the system more equitable, efficient and effective in improving public safety for all Americans. The following statistics, for example, have become commonplace in the advocacy discourse and in media coverage more generally: - The United States is the world's No. 1 jailer; - Black men have a 32 percent chance of spending time in prison at some point in their lives, Latino men have a 17 percent chance, and white men have a 6 percent chance of being imprisoned over their lifetime; - Blacks are 17 percent of the juvenile population but 46 percent of juvenile arrests and 41 percent of waivers to adult court. On top of these facts, evidence of the extent and costs of mass incarceration is staggering. In times of fiscal constraints, current levels of prison expenditures are clearly unsustainable. Recent public opinion research suggests that, to some extent, Americans have come to recognize problems with the criminal justice system, particularly in terms of its racial bias. For example, a recent Pew study reports that 70 percent of African Americans and almost 40 percent of whites believe that black Americans receive unequal treatment by the police. The same study also indicates that almost 70 percent of African Americans and 30 percent of whites believe that the courts do not treat black and white Americans equally. In the court of public opinion, the ground seems fertile for the reform of the criminal justice system. So, if the American public believes the system discriminates against men of color, the data underscore the significance of these racial disparities, and the price of incarceration is so clearly unsustainable, why is advocating for reform so difficult? One answer is that the advocacy community is not framing the issue in a way that allows Americans to connect understandings of the system's problems with a set of viable solutions.5 Without such a connection, we argue, momentum for reform is lost when people cannot connect their values for the society to specific system reforms and policy changes. Energy dissipates; opposition manipulates opinion and gains ground while citizens are unable to make the case for the reforms they struggle to articulate. Details: Washington, DC: Frameworks Institute, 2013. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 8, 2016 at: http://www.frameworksinstitute.org/assets/files/pscj_values_and_facts.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.frameworksinstitute.org/assets/files/pscj_values_and_facts.pdf Shelf Number: 137441 Keywords: Criminal Justice ReformPublic AttitudesPublic OpinionPublic SafetyRace and CrimeRacial DiscriminationRacial Disparities |
Author: Kendall-Taylor, Nathaniel Title: Maze and Gears: Using Explanatory Metaphors to Increase Public Understanding of the Criminal Justice System and its Reform Summary: This report presents the results of metaphor research using qualitative and quantitative methods with approximately 1,300 members of the general public. This research yielded two Explanatory Metaphors - The Justice Maze and Justice Gears - that help advance public understanding of structural problems in the criminal justice system and the need for reform to address these problems. Details: Washington, DC: FrameWorks Institute, 2013. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 8, 2016 at: http://www.frameworksinstitute.org/assets/files/pscj_metaphors.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.frameworksinstitute.org/assets/files/pscj_metaphors.pdf Shelf Number: 137442 Keywords: Criminal Justice ReformPublic AttitudesPublic OpinionPublic Safety |
Author: Wald, Johanna Title: Adjusting Our Focus: Current Communication Practices and Patterns in the Criminal Justice Sector Summary: This report presents results from a Field Frame Analysis of influential organizations in the criminal justice reform field. It is informed by, and a part of, a larger multi-year project being conducted by the Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race and Justice at Harvard Law School (CHHIRJ) and the FrameWorks Institute. The long-term goal of this project is to develop more effective ways to communicate about the challenges facing America's criminal justice system and the reforms necessary to make it more just and equitable. The project aims to provide criminal justice experts and progressive reform advocates with tools and strategic recommendations they can use to reframe their public communications for broad public understanding and support. This means moving public perceptions and policy-making away from ineffective "tough on crime" tactics that over-emphasize policing, prosecution, and prisons in favor of greater investments in programs that address the underlying social and economic issues fueling cycles of incarceration. A Field Frame Analysis captures the patterns of communications that organizations within a given sector use to frame issues. It allows researchers to map networks of influential organizations within the field and identify the ways in which these organizations publicly discuss the issues. Since influential organizations act as "gatekeepers" for the field and shape the direction of programs and policies, the ways in which they communicate - language, frames, topic priorities and word choices - have direct implications on whether and how an issue will be more widely adopted and on the solutions that are proposed. Moreover, as reframing strategies and tools emerge, the Field Frame Analysis allows us to assess how recommendations can best be aligned with existing practices and how the field's discourse and communication practices may need to change in order to accommodate the reframing process. Specifically, this study uses a Field Frame Analysis to address the following questions: Reform Agenda: What are the most prominent issues on the reform agenda of influential organizations in the criminal justice field? Conceptions of Crime and the Criminal Justice System: How do prominent and influential organizations in the criminal justice field frame crime and the criminal justice system? Implications: What are the field-level constraints and opportunities for reframing public safety and criminal justice reform? Details: Washington, DC: FrameWorks Institute, 2014. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 11, 2016 at: http://www.charleshamiltonhouston.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/CHHIRJ-Report-Adjusting-Our-Focus2.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.charleshamiltonhouston.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/CHHIRJ-Report-Adjusting-Our-Focus2.pdf Shelf Number: 137443 Keywords: CommunicationsCriminal Justice PolicyCriminal Justice ReformPublic OpinionPublic Safety |
Author: Cox, Joanne Title: Tagging and Graffiti: Attitudes and Experiences of New Zealanders Summary: The central aim of the study was to: - develop understanding of offender motivation and attitudes of young people more generally to tagging and graffiti. More specific questions form the central objectives of the study: - to develop knowledge of offenders' attitudes toward graffiti and tagging; - to understand the extent (if any) to which tagging and graffiti offending is associated with other criminal activity; - to identify factors that shape 'involvement decisions', 'event decisions' and 'desistance decisions' (Cornish and Clarke, 2006); - to examine the extent to which the transgressive nature of tagging and graffiti are central to offender motivation; - to establish the relationships between tagging, graffiti and other aspects of youth subculture. The research was conducted via an online survey and a series of focus groups. Findings from the survey and focus groups are presented in relation to three broad themes: general attitudes toward graffiti, the commissioning and writing of graffiti and tagging, and desistance from graffiti and tagging. Four themes of general significance emerge from the data: - graffiti writers do not form a group clearly or wholly distinct from non-graffiti writers; - graffiti is a meaningful cultural and social practice for writers and only indirectly 'appreciated' for its illegality; - graffiti writing is associated with a desire for local celebrity; - graffiti writers' perspectives on desistance suggest highly bounded rationality about prevention strategies. Details: Wellington, NZ: Institute of Criminology, Victoria University Wellington, 2009. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 17, 2016 at: http://www.rethinking.org.nz/assets/young_people_and_crime/Tagging_Report_VUW_2009.pdf Year: 2009 Country: New Zealand URL: http://www.rethinking.org.nz/assets/young_people_and_crime/Tagging_Report_VUW_2009.pdf Shelf Number: 137858 Keywords: GraffitiPublic OpinionVandalism |
Author: Mastrorocco, Nicola Title: Information and Crime Perceptions: Evidence from a Natural Experiment Summary: This paper investigates the influence of media on the beliefs and perceptions individuals hold, with a focus on crime perceptions. We study the case of Italy, where the majority of television channels have been under the influence of the former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi for more than a decade. First, we document that these channels systematically over represent crime news compared to others. We then test if individuals revise their perceptions about crime when exposure to news programs broadcast by a specific group of partisan channels is reduced. In order to identify the causal effect we exploit a natural experiment in the Italian television market where the staggered introduction of the digital TV signal led to a drastic drop in the viewing shares of the channels above. Combining unique data on each channel's crime news coverage and prime-time viewing shares, we find that reduced exposure to crime-related news decreased concerns about crime, an effect that is mainly driven by older individuals who, on average, watch more television and use alternative sources of information (such as Internet, radio and newspapers) less frequently. Finally, we show that this change in crime perceptions is likely to have important implications for voting behaviour. Details: London: Centre for Research and Analysis of Migration Department of Economics, University College London, 2016. 65p. Source: Internet Resource: Discussion Paper Series CPD 01/16: Accessed February 17, 2016 at: http://www.cream-migration.org/publ_uploads/CDP_01_16.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Italy URL: http://www.cream-migration.org/publ_uploads/CDP_01_16.pdf Shelf Number: 137862 Keywords: CommunicationInformationJournalistsMass MediaNewspapersPublic OpinionTelevisionVoting |
Author: Mizell, Jill Title: An Overview of Public Opinion and Discourse on Criminal Justice Issues Summary: This series of reports from The Opportunity Agenda describes the American public discourse on crime, the criminal justice system, and criminal justice reform. It examines years of public opinion research, mainstream media coverage, and social media content. And it incorporates the input of leaders working in the field of criminal justice reform. Taken together, this body of work is intended to help reform leaders, organizations, and allies to build public support for effective solutions. It also provides useful insights for journalists, news outlets, and commentators who cover-or could cover-this important subject. Involvement in the criminal justice system can be an opportunity-ending event in people's lives. The "tough on crime" policies of the past generation-the "war on drugs," mandatory minimum sentences, "three-strikes laws" and the like-have negatively affected millions of people. In addition to the individuals who are arrested, prosecuted, and incarcerated for long periods under harsh sentencing laws, families and whole communities face racial profiling, mass incarceration, and barriers to re-entry after release from prison. These impediments to opportunity are not spread evenly across the U.S. population. Racial and class bias infects the criminal justice system at every point, from arrest, through prosecution, sentencing, incarceration, and release. Today, the nation's experiment with mass incarceration is being scrutinized and critiqued as never before, and criminal justice reform is on the public policy agenda. Our scan of legislative activity across the country indicates that reforms are taking place in red and blue states alike. As one reform leader put it: The fiscal crisis that so many states find themselves in has created a space for dialogue about reducing the use of incarceration to solve social issues...This is a very conservative city in a conservative state, and I'm seeing opportunity after opportunity to work across the political spectrum to get criminal justice reform done. States are rethinking "zero tolerance" school discipline policies, which often are responsible for racially discriminatory suspensions and "the school to prison pipeline." Municipalities are adopting "ban the box" policies to remove barriers to the hiring and licensing of people with criminal records. States are adopting "Justice Reinvestment" strategies to reduce corrections costs and reinvest the savings in programs that improve public safety, such as education, public health and job training. At the federal level, the Justice Department has launched its "Smart on Crime" review to bring more fairness to the federal criminal justice system. And the trend towards treating drug use as a public health, rather than a criminal matter is accelerating throughout the country. Whether based on fiscal concerns about the vast public resources devoted to arresting, prosecuting, and locking up so many people or on concerns about fairness and racial equity, more and more members of the public and their political representatives are questioning whether the harsh penalties adopted at both the state and federal levels over the past 40 years are accomplishing what they were intended to accomplish: protecting the public. A growing number of Americans is realizing that the vast majority of people in prison will be released back into the community with few, if any, opportunities to change their lives for the better and that this does not bode well for the nation as a whole. In spite of these advances, however, the United States has a long way to go before its criminal justice system lives up to constitutional and human rights norms, and creating the political will to bring about real reform is a heavy lift. Elected leaders still fear being labeled "soft on crime," and the organized opposition, led by district attorney associations and the private corrections industry, is working hard to block sentencing and other reforms, arguing that public safety is at risk. Most Americans hear about crime through their local television stations, where "if it bleeds, it leads" is still the rule. Increased fear of crime can derail any progress made by the criminal justice reform movement unless the public is "inoculated" with a deeper understanding of the causes of and solutions to crime. Details: New York: The Opportunity Agenda, 2014. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 24, 2016 at: http://opportunityagenda.org/files/field_file/2014.08.23-CriminalJusticeReport-FINAL_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://opportunityagenda.org/files/field_file/2014.08.23-CriminalJusticeReport-FINAL_0.pdf Shelf Number: 137956 Keywords: Costs of criminal JusticeCriminal Justice PolicyCriminal Justice ReformJustice ReinvestmentMedia Public AttitudesPublic Opinion |
Author: Walmsley, Edward J.L. Title: Situational crime prevention: the public's engagement with, support for, and their opinions on the effectiveness of SCP techniques and measures within a residential setting Summary: There was little previous literature assessing public opinions of specific crime prevention strategies. Therefore the aim of this study was to investigate whether or not the public engage with situational crime prevention (SCP) techniques and measures, whether they support it, and whether or not they believe it to be effective. These main three opinions were then tested against four factors: area of residence; socio-demographic features; victimisation; and fear of crime. The study used a quantitative methodology and collected survey data from 196 participants from two separate locations of opposing crime rates within Kirklees, West Yorkshire. The study found that in general the sample strongly engaged with, supported, and felt SCP techniques and measures within their area of residence to be effective, although the latter measure was unconvincing. A key finding was that all three factors had positive correlations indicating that engagement can increase support and opinions on effectiveness and vice versa. Evidence was found to show that the four factors effected opinions on the effectiveness of SCP, however, no conclusive evidence was found to show that area of residence, socio-demographic features, victimisation, and fear of crime significantly affect engagement and support of SCP. Further results did indicate though, that the public were in favour of a number of Crime Prevention through Environmental Design features, especially improved community cohesion. As a result of the findings, the study suggests a number of policy implications, such as increased community cohesion and educating the public on the positive effects and success of SCP implementation. As well as this, future research should concentrate on exploring fear of crime: in particular do security measures increase it and if so can preventative initiatives such as Designing out Crime and Secured by Design be effective in reducing it Details: Huddersfield, University of Huddersfield, 2014. 133p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 29, 2016 at: http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/23528/1/ewalmsleyfinalthesis.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/23528/1/ewalmsleyfinalthesis.pdf Shelf Number: 139537 Keywords: CPTEDCrime PreventionDesign Against CrimePublic OpinionSecured by DesignSituational Crime Prevention |
Author: Verhulst, Joris Title: Peace in Flanders: Attitudes and commitments of Flemish people regarding peace and violence Summary: Surely everybody agrees that 'peace' is important. Without peace - certainly in the most elementary sense of peace being the absence of war - life as a societal or social expression is not possible. But how exactly do people think about or interpret peace? In a region such as Flanders, where for decades war has been an alien and absent feature, do people think of peace as a prime aspect of life, in other words, as a priority? Does the average Flemish citizen consider peace as a self-evident fact of life? Is peace something that one really should not have to worry about? And how do the Flemish people define the concept of 'peace'? Does it pertain, in effect, only to the peace that reigns amongst states, to the absence of war amongst nations: something that might be defined as 'International Peace'? Or is there, likewise, such a thing as 'Inter-personal Peace', which might be defined as peaceful co-existence? And do this 'International Peace' and this 'Inter-personal Peace' touch upon common ground? These questions form the starting points for this survey report. The report contains the results of a systematic and expansive survey of more than 1,000 inhabitants of Flanders about their perception of peace, their attitudes vis-a-vis peace, and their active and potential commitment to the cause of peace. Aside from organising a broad public survey, the study also includes a number of focus groups consisting of people active in the field of peace. Details: Brussels: Flemish Peace Institute, 2007. 144p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2016 at: http://www.flemishpeaceinstitute.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/files/reports/peace_in_flanders.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Belgium URL: http://www.flemishpeaceinstitute.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/files/reports/peace_in_flanders.pdf Shelf Number: 139548 Keywords: PeacePublic OpinionViolence |
Author: Sato, Mai Title: The Public Opinion Myth: Why Japan retains the death penalty Summary: There is a global trend away from the death penalty. As of June 2015, 160 countries have abolished it in law or in practice. In 2014, a UN General Assembly resolution calling for an international moratorium on the death penalty was supported by a record 117 member states. This tendency is explained by increasing empirical evidence concerning wrongful convictions, the growing academic consensus over the difficulty in proving deterrent effects, and data that shows the death penalty being applied disproportionately to marginalised groups. In some societies, however, the death penalty remains deeply entrenched. Many leaders prefer to follow tradition and 'majority opinion' rather than challenge opinion and exercise leadership. They often quote results from public opinion polls and use the 'democracy argument'. In this report, Mai Sato and Paul Bacon go beyond the simple results of opinion polls conducted recently by the Japanese government, which show very high levels of support for the death penalty. Using a similar methodology and sample, the authors reveal that the majority of the population form their views on the death penalty with limited information and based on often inaccurate perceptions - for example, believing that the crime rate is increasing. Sato and Bacon also demonstrate that people have a relatively low level of 'psychological ownership' when it comes to the future of the death penalty: the majority think that the government and experts should decide. Furthermore, discussions about the death penalty among participants increased tolerance towards those with different views - which, in turn, facilitated potential reform and change. The messages in this report go beyond the death penalty debate in Japan. The keys to moving away from the death penalty in all retentionist states are better information and dialogue. Instead of resorting to the populist politics of 'killing for votes', leaders should be challenging stereotypes. Instead of being 'tough on crime' by supporting the death penalty, they should be providing for efficient crime control measures, combined with care for victims' families. Is this too much to ask? No - not in the 21st century, which is ready for further advances in the protection of human rights. As UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has stated: 'This cruel punishment has no place in the 21st century.' Details: London: Death Penalty Project, 2015. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 12, 2016 at: http://www.deathpenaltyproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/The-Public-Opinion-Myth1.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Japan URL: http://www.deathpenaltyproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/The-Public-Opinion-Myth1.pdf Shelf Number: 139620 Keywords: Capital PunishmentDeath PenaltyPublic Opinion |
Author: Koczela, Steve Title: Ready for Reform? Public Opinion on Criminal Justice in Massachusetts Summary: The research - a poll of Massachusetts residents and four focus groups, conducted by the non-partisan MassINC Polling Group - shows that Bay Staters want a criminal justice system that is effective at reducing crimes through prevention and rehabilitation. To get there, they think many of the reforms adopted in other states would be effective. They think there are too many inmates in prison, and that time in prison is actually contributing to recidivism. This report was made possible through the generous support of the Shaw Foundation, The Boston Foundation, the Public Welfare Foundation and individual donors. Details: Boston: MassINC, 2014. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 25, 2016 at: http://massinc.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/CriminalJusticePollReport.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://massinc.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/CriminalJusticePollReport.pdf Shelf Number: 139830 Keywords: Criminal Justice ReformPublic Opinion |
Author: Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research Title: Law Enforcement and Violence: The Divide Between Black and White Americans Summary: The difficult relationship between the police and blacks in the United States is evident from the results of a recent Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research survey. The poll highlights a number of racial divisions in Americans' attitudes toward law enforcement and the criminal justice system. However, the survey finds agreement across racial groups on many of the causes of police violence. It also reveals a broad consensus among the public that a number of policy changes could reduce tensions between minorities and police and limit violence against civilians. The nationwide poll was collected July 17 to 19 using the AmeriSpeak Omnibus, the probability-based panel of NORC at the University of Chicago. Online and telephone interviews using landlines and cell phones were conducted with 1,223 adults, including 311 blacks who were sampled at a higher rate than their proportion of the population for reasons of analysis. Three Things You Should Know From The AP-NORC Center's Poll on Law Enforcement and Violence Black Americans are nearly four times as likely as whites to describe violence against civilians by police officers as an extremely or very serious problem. More than 80 percent of blacks say police are too quick to use deadly force and they are more likely to use it against a black person. Two-thirds of whites label police use of deadly force as necessary and nearly 6 in 10 say race is not a factor in decisions to use force. There is support among both blacks and whites for many changes in policies and procedures that could be effective in reducing tensions between law enforcement and minorities and limiting police violence against civilians. For example, 71 percent say body cameras on police would be an effective deterrent to police aggression and 52 percent think community policing programs would help reduce the friction in minority communities. Details: Chicago: The Associated Press and NORC, 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief: Accessed August 29, 2016 at: http://www.apnorc.org/PDFs/Police%20Violence/Issue%20Brief_PoliceFinal.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.apnorc.org/PDFs/Police%20Violence/Issue%20Brief_PoliceFinal.pdf Shelf Number: 140064 Keywords: Police Use of ForcePolice-Minority RelationsPublic AttitudesPublic Opinion |
Author: Ferrell, Britany Title: Alcohol Policy and Regulation: Public Opinion Amongst Young Adults in Khayelitsha, South Africa Summary: South Africa has one of the highest rates of alcohol consumption in the world. It is important to study public opinion of alcohol regulatory policies as it plays a crucial role in the success of policy measures. There is a dearth of research on public opinion of alcohol policies in developing countries. This study is the first to explore public opinion of older and young adults on alcohol policy in South Africa. In addition, the drinking behavior of young adults was also investigated along with its relationship with policy support. Methods: The study sample consisted of 1728 young (n=513) and older adults (n=1215). Demographic details and opinion on 15 policy measures (Yes/No) were recorded for both groups. The survey of young adults included additional questions on drinking patterns. Univariate analysis of opinion on policy measures was performed for each group and compared using chi-square tests. Logistic regression was used to find the relationship between policy support levels and demographic factors and drinking behavior of young adults. Results: Complete data were recorded for 567 older adults and 402 younger adults. The majority of the participants (75-80 percent) agreed on restricted availability, increased pricing and greater enforcement measures. In contrast, only 65% of the participants were in favor of increased restrictions on alcohol marketing. Older adults were more supportive of earlier closing times of bars, a raise in minimum purchasing age, as well as an increase in pricing and taxes of alcohol (p<0.001). Females and employed participants were found to be more likely to support alcohol policy measures. Drinking patterns and behavior of young adults significantly predicted most policy measures after controlling for demographic factors. For example, policies on restricted alcohol availability, increase in taxes, and raids were supported by participants who reported that they mostly drank at big events. In contrast, these policies were opposed by those who drink alcohol every day and almost every day along with those who drink during street bashes Support for restrictions on the purchase age of alcohol was not predicted by drinking patterns of young adults Conclusion: It is important to increase the understanding and support of vulnerable groups, especially males and young adults, for policy measures. The relationship between drinking patterns and policy support levels indicates that regular tracking of drinking behavior is necessary for the success of these policies. The results support previous findings indicating that young people are more likely to resist alcohol regulations. Details: Cape Town, S. Africa: University of Cape Town, 2016. 109p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed September 3, 2016 at:https://open.uct.ac.za/handle/11427/20856 Year: 2016 Country: South Africa URL: https://open.uct.ac.za/handle/11427/20856 Shelf Number: 140164 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Alcohol Policy Alcohol Related Crime, Disorder Alcoholism Public Opinion |
Author: Mandic, Sofija Title: The Citizens' Opinion of the Police Force: The Comparative Analysis of Public Opinion Surveys Conducted in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia Summary: The second round of the public opinion survey "The Citizens' Opinion of the Police Force" was conducted in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia. The questionnaire based on which the public opinion survey was conducted was devised by the regional network POINTPULSE to provide answers concerning the citizens' opinion of the police. The questionnaire included six groups of questions: 1. The level of citizens' trust and confidence in institutions; 2. The perception of the police as an institution, but also of policemen and policewomen as individuals; 3. The perception of corruption in the society and the police force; 4. Opinions of citizens regarding the fight against corruption; 5. Opinions of citizens on the work of civil society organisations; 6. Demographics. The field research was conducted in April 2016 by IPSOS Strategic Marketing, on a representative sample of 6,000 adult persons, male and female citizens of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia. A questionnaire was used as a research instrument. In Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo and Serbia interviews were conducted using the "face to face" technique, which involves direct contact with respondents, while computer-assisted telephone survey was used in Macedonia. The report was published as part of the project titled "Western Balkans Pulse for Police Integrity and Trust", which aims to contribute to increasing the trust and confidence in the police by promoting its accountability and strengthening its integrity. For this reason, the following seven civil society organisations from the region came together to form the POINTPULSE network: Analytica from Skopje, Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP), Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) from Belgrade, Centre for Security Studies (CSS) from Sarajevo, Alternativa Institute (IA) from Podgorica, Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM) from Tirana, and the Kosovo Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) from Pristina. Citizens of the Western Balkans have a high level of trust and confidence in the education system, the health system and the police. However, even in the case of institutions they trust most - such as the police, trusted on average by 58% of the population - many believe that they cannot be relied on. Representative bodies (the Parliament), the judiciary, the prosecutors' offices and the media are trusted the least. In comparison with the survey conducted in 2015, trust in most key institutions has increased. The respondents see the average policewoman first as polite and good looking, and only then as a professional ready to perform her job. Male members of the police force are associated primarily with their professional engagement - protection of citizens, someone who is strong and trustworthy - and to some extent with behaviour and method of communication, whereas assessments concerning their physical appearance are completely absent. Citizens of the Western Balkans believe that the dominant mode of employment in the police is through friends and relatives, political affiliation, or by giving bribes. Many of them also believe that police officers operate mainly to protect the interests of the government, political parties and police officials, and only then those of the citizens. Similarly, they believe that politicians have a strong influence on the operational decision-making in the police. Although more than half the citizens have confidence in the police, this institution is simultaneously also considered deeply corrupt. This suggests that corruption is percieved as something that is acceptable and normal. Awareness of corruption in the police thus persists together with a sense of trust, without these two perceptions excluding each other. Border and traffic police are believed to be the most corrupt, together with the close (political) associates of ministers of interior affairs. Special police units are viewed as least vulnerable to corruption. Citizens are divided in their opinions as to whether they would or would not report corruption, and those who would do it would first contact the local police station or its chief. Citizens believe that repressive measures would be most effective for preventing corruption. They also believe that the Government, the Minister of Interior Affairs and the internal police control should be the first to address this problem. Respondents recognise civil society as actors in the fight against corruption, but mostly as direct actors and associates of the state in this task. Only then do they recognise their contribution through research, documentation and protection of victims of corruption. Details: Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, 2016. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 26, 2016 at: http://www.bezbednost.org/upload/document/the_citizens_opinion_of_the_police_force_-_wb.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: http://www.bezbednost.org/upload/document/the_citizens_opinion_of_the_police_force_-_wb.pdf Shelf Number: 140455 Keywords: Police EffectivenessPolice IntegrityPublic Opinion |
Author: Fair Punishment Project Title: Too Broken to Fix: Part II An In-depth Look at America's Outlier Death Penalty Counties Summary: The two-part report titled Too Broken to Fix: An In-depth Look at America's Outlier Death Penalty Counties, examined 10 years of court opinions and records from these 16 "outlier counties." Part II focuses on Dallas (TX), Jefferson (AL), Pinellas (FL), Miami-Dade (FL), Hillsborough (FL), Los Angeles (CA), San Bernardino (CA), and Orange (CA). Part I, which was released in August, looked at Caddo Parish (LA), Clark (NV), Duval (FL), Harris (TX), Maricopa (AZ), Mobile (AL), Kern (CA) and Riverside (CA). The report also analyzed all of the new death sentences handed down in these counties since 2010. The report notes that these "outlier counties" are plagued by persistent problems of overzealous prosecutors, ineffective defense lawyers, and racial bias. Researchers found that the impact of these systemic problems included the conviction of innocent people, and the excessively harsh punishment of people with significant impairments. Many of the defendants appear to have one or more impairments that are on par with, or worse than, those that the U.S. Supreme Court has said should categorically exempt individuals from execution due to lessened culpability. The Court previously found that individuals with intellectual disabilities (Atkins v. Virginia, 2002) and juveniles under the age of 18 (Roper v. Simmons, 2005) should not be subject to the death penalty under the Eighth Amendment. In conducting its analysis, the Project reviewed nearly 400 direct appeals opinions handed down between 2006 and 2015 in these 16 counties. The Project found: Fifty-six percent of cases involved defendants with significant mental impairments or other forms of mitigation, such as the defendant's young age. Approximately one out of every six cases involved a defendant who was under the age of 21 at the time of the offense. Forty percent of cases involved a defendant who had an intellectual disability, brain damage, or severe mental illness. In eight of the 16 counties, half or more of the defendants had mental impairments, including: Pinellas (67 percent), Maricopa (62 percent), Mobile (60 percent), Caddo Parish and Miami-Dade (both had 57 percent), and Kern, Hillsborough, and San Bernardino counties (each had 50 percent). Approximately one in ten cases involved a finding of prosecutorial misconduct. The counties with the highest rates of misconduct include: Maricopa (47 percent), Miami-Dade (29 percent), and Clark (21 percent). Bad lawyering was a persistent problem across all of the counties. In most of the counties, the average mitigation presentation at the penalty phase of the trial lasted less than one and half days. During the mitigation phase, the defense lawyer is supposed to present all of the evidence showing that the defendant's life should be spared - including testimony from mental health and other experts. This presentation can last several weeks if the lawyers prepare properly. While this is just one data point for determining the quality of legal representation, this finding reveals appalling inadequacies. This type of mitigation evidence can also be used pre-trial to negotiate a plea agreement. Additional findings: Ten of the 16 counties had at least one person released from death row since 1976. These 10 counties account for more than 10 percent of all death row exonerations nationwide. Out of all of the death sentences obtained in these counties between 2010 and 2015, 46 percent were given to African-American defendants, and 73 percent were given to people of color. In Jefferson, 100 percent of defendants sentenced to die between 2010 and 2015 were African-American. In Duval that figure was 87 percent and in Dallas it was 88 percent. In Harris, 100 percent of the defendants who were newly sentenced to death since November 2004 have been people of color. The race of the victim is also a significant factor in who is sentenced to death in many of these counties. The report noted that in 14 of the 16 counties, not a single white person received a death sentence for killing a Black person. In contrast, in 14 out of 16 counties, at least one Black person was sentenced to death for the killing of a white person. In Orange County 60 percent of the victims were white in the cases involving a Black defendant, even though research has shown that the vast majority of homicides are committed intra-race. Five of the 16 "outlier counties" are from Florida and Alabama, the only two states that currently allow non-unanimous jury verdicts. Just eight out of 71 cases we reviewed from these five counties had a unanimous jury verdict; 89 percent were non-unanimous. Details: s.l.: Fair Punishment Project, 2016. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2016 at: http://fairpunishment.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/FPP-TooBroken_II.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://fairpunishment.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/FPP-TooBroken_II.pdf Shelf Number: 145086 Keywords: Capital PunishmentDeath PenaltyPublic OpinionRacial DisparitiesWrongful Conviction |
Author: Krzalic, Armin Title: The Citizens' Opinion of the Police Force: The Results of Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina Summary: The police happens to be most trusted part of the system of Bosnia and Herzegovina -- more than half of the population has confidence in this institution. However, the image of the police among the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina is divided -- while the opinion of some is quite positive, others list corruption, lack of politeness and discomfort as things that first come to mind at the mention of police officers. In the opinion of the population, one of the biggest problems with the police is the excessive influence of politicians on their work. The police officers are, thus, perceived as protectors of the interests of political parties instead of those who are there to serve the citizens. Citizens believe that corruption in the police force is widespread, but when we look at individual parts of the institution we see that this assessment varies and pertains mostly to traffic police, border police (especially the customs officers) and the closest associates of ministers of interior affairs. Citizens say that the process of employment in the police also happens to be problematic, i.e. that employment is gained through friends, family members, political connections and bribery. The number of those who say that they would report cases of corruption in the police, if they had the opportunity, is quite small. Such an attitude best illustrates the image of the police in public, that is, its disappointment with their work and lack of interest in their affairs. Details: Sarajevo: Centre for Security Studies, 2016. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 28, 2016 at: http://css.ba/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/Bosnia-and-Herzegovina-The-Citizens-Opinion-of-Police-Force-2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Bosnia and Herzegovina URL: http://css.ba/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/Bosnia-and-Herzegovina-The-Citizens-Opinion-of-Police-Force-2016.pdf Shelf Number: 144835 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice EffectivenessPolice LegitimacyPolicingPublic Opinion |
Author: Boda, Zsolt Title: Report on an empirical assessment of fear of crime and Punitive Sentiment across Europe Summary: The research project FIDUCIA (New European Crimes and Trust-based Policy) is funded primarily by the European Commission from the 7th Framework Programme for Research. FIDUCIA will shed light on a number of distinctively 'new European' criminal behaviors that have emerged in the last decade as a consequence of technology developments and in the increased mobility of populations across Europe. The central idea behind the project is that public trust in justice is important for social regulation, and proposes a 'trust-based' policy model in relation to emerging forms of criminality. Work package 4 reviews what is currently known about fear of crime, trust in justice and punitive attitudes of citizens across Europe. The theoretical assumption is that current public opinion about crime across Europe will shift in the wake of new forms of crime and new inter-ethnic tensions. Nurtured in part by tabloid media and radicalizing political discourse, "popular punitive" sentiments are characterized among other things by an emphasis on unexpected and growing crime, the blaming of certain social groups, distrust in the police and justice, and the endorsement of harsh, punitive measures. D4.3 reports on an empirical assessment of punitive sentiment across Europe using the European Social Survey Data. This analysis offers new and important insights into the phenomenon of ‘punitivity’ across Europe. We have examined two pairs of measures of punitivity: subjective measures of public opinion, and actual-penal-practice punitivity. We have labelled our two measures of subjective punitivity 'expressive' and 'considered'. Expressive punitivity reflects a desire for tougher penalties and considered punitivity reflects preferences for heavy sentences in a sentencing exercise. We have presented two measures of country-level punitivity in actual-penal-practice: numbers of prisoners per 100,000 population, and number of prisoners per 1,000 recorded crimes. Details: Fiducia (New European Crimes and Trust-Based Policy), 2012. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed November 17, 2016 at: http://www.fiduciaproject.eu/media/press_releases/9/D4.3%20Report%20on%20an%20empirical%20assessment%20of%20fear%20of%20crime%20and%20punitive%20sentiment%20across%20Europe.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Europe URL: http://www.fiduciaproject.eu/media/press_releases/9/D4.3%20Report%20on%20an%20empirical%20assessment%20of%20fear%20of%20crime%20and%20punitive%20sentiment%20across%20Europe.pdf Shelf Number: 144859 Keywords: Fear of CrimePublic AttitudesPublic OpinionPunishment |
Author: Renauer, Brian Title: Public Perceptions Regarding the Police Bureau and Crime in Portland, Oregon Summary: The "Portland Public Safety Survey" was implemented in the summer of 2013 to fulfill research needs and begin baseline data collection necessitated by the settlement agreement approved by Portland City Council with the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) on November 14, 2012. Here are some examples from the settlement agreement that specify the need for a general population survey and the focus of measures. Page 3 of the settlement agreement notes a need for measures that, "will assist the Parties and the community in determining whether, (2) community trust in PPB has increased; and (3) the improvements will be sustainable." Page 52 of the settlement agreement authorizes the City to conduct a representative survey of the Portland community, "regarding their experiences with and perceptions of PPB's prior community outreach efforts and accountability efforts and where those efforts could be improved, to inform the development and implementation of the CEO Plan." The bulk of the settlement agreement focuses on reforming use of force policy and training with a particular focus on mental health crisis management. Dr. Brian Renauer of Portland State University and his research team entered into a contract with the Portland Police Bureau (PPB), with the approval of City Council, to address the above needs stipulated in the settlement agreement. This is the first of three reports required in the contract. The methodology and content of the general population survey was informed by the language of the settlement agreement, meetings with PPB and City representatives, and resource constraints. The focus of the general population survey is on five content areas: Section 1. Legitimacy and Trust Section 2. Evaluation of PPB’s Performance Over the Past Year Section 3. Perceptions of Use of Force Section 4. Perceptions of Safety Section 5. Police Contact Experiences Sections 1 through 4 are reviewed in this report and section 5 will be the focus of a separate report. It is important to point out this report represents “baseline” data. In other words, it is the first year of data collection and there are as yet no appropriate comparison data that would allow us to assess changes over time. Nor are there nationally established policing standards that could be used in comparing Portland to other regions. For these reasons the report does not make value judgments regarding the findings. Instead, the report is designed to help the City understand existing public perceptions, identify potential factors that may be influencing perceptions, and to generate a list of strategies that could help to sustain and improve public opinion of local law enforcement. Details: Portland, OR: Portland State University, Criminal Justice Policy Research Institute, 2013. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 13, 2016 at: http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1000&context=cjpri_briefs Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1000&context=cjpri_briefs Shelf Number: 146048 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice LegitimacyPolice Use of ForcePolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: La Vigne, Nancy Title: How Do People in High-Crime, Low-Income Communities View the Police? Summary: In certain American communities, public trust in law enforcement, a critical ingredient in public safety, is tenuous at best. Residents of these high-crime, heavily disadvantaged communities witness and experience intensive police presence, high rates of incarceration and community supervision, and concentrated violence and question the intent, effectiveness, and equity of the criminal justice system. Indeed, police may carry out aggressive strategies that target quality-of-life infractions and drug-, gun-, and gang-related violence in ways that undermine public confidence. Perhaps not surprisingly, areas with high levels of mistrust tend to be those that are heavily policed, where police use tactics such as pretextual stops that damage their relationship with the people they are charged to protect. The results can be far-reaching: a distrust of the criminal justice system, an unwillingness to cooperate with the police, and a cynical view of the law that can perpetuate crime and victimization. The people most likely to experience high rates of violence and heavy police presence in their communities have limited resources, social capital, and political voice. Yet their voices, when amplified, can be a powerful tool that communities can leverage to hold law enforcement accountable. Integrating the authentic experiences and perceptions of community members into public safety decision-making processes is critical in efforts to promote public safety. Quite simply, reductions in violent crime are not possible without meaningful representation of—and engagement with—the residents most affected by it. This research brief aims to elevate the experiences, views, and attitudes of residents often underrepresented in research on perceptions of law enforcement—people living in high-crime neighborhoods with concentrated disadvantage. Using a unique purposive sampling methodology to represent residents in communities with the most tenuous relationships with law enforcement, we conducted in-person surveys in partnership with local organizations in six cities: Birmingham, Alabama; Fort Worth, Texas; Gary, Indiana; Minneapolis, Minnesota; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; and Stockton, California. The purpose of these surveys was to collect baseline data on residents' views of police as part of an Urban Institute (Urban) evaluation of the National Initiative on Building Community Trust and Justice (National Initiative). But our findings serve more than an evaluation function, offering insights into the nature of community-police relations in high-crime, high-poverty neighborhoods and highlight opportunities for improvement. Our research shows that although variations exist across the six cities, respondents’ perceptions of police across measures of legitimacy, procedural justice, racial bias, relatability to police, and applied principles of community policing, on average, are extremely negative. However, residents also expressed a firm belief in and support for the law and a willingness to partner with police in public safety efforts. The variation in responses by city suggests that each city’s local context, including departmental policies and policing approaches, likely influence perceptions. This brief is organized in four sections. We first review the literature on past efforts to measure and assess community perceptions of the police; next we describe our study's methodology. We then summarize findings across the six cities in accordance with the literature, grouped by category: procedural justice, police department legitimacy, police bias, community policing, perceptions of the law, relatability to the police, and willingness to partner with police in public safety efforts. We conclude by discussing the variation in perceptions across cities and the implications for policy and practice. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2017. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 24, 2017 at: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/88476/how_do_people_in_high-crime_view_the_police.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/88476/how_do_people_in_high-crime_view_the_police.pdf Shelf Number: 141213 Keywords: Disadvantaged CommunitiesHigh-Crime AreasPolice LegitimacyPolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsPublic OpinionTrust |
Author: Schmid, Alex P. Title: Public Opinion Survey Data to Measure Sympathy and Support for Islamist Terrorism: A Look at Muslim Opinions on Al Qaeda and IS Summary: This Research Paper seeks to explore what 'sympathy' and 'support' actually mean when it comes to terrorism. The text addresses some of the problems of public opinion surveys, includes a conceptual discussion and then continues with the presentation of data from public opinion surveys. It notes that opinion polls can be helpful in gauging (verbal) support for terrorism but also finds that the questions asked in opinion polls are generally lacking precision while the answers are often influenced by political pressures. When translating (generally low) percentages of sympathy and support for al Qaeda and so-called Islamic State in various countries into actual population figures, it emerges that there is a sizeable radical milieu in both Muslim-majority countries and in Western Muslim diasporas, held together by the world wide web of the internet. While large majorities of Muslims in most countries have no love for jihadist extremists, there are more than enough breeding grounds for terrorism. The Research Paper concludes that better instruments for measuring sympathy and support for jihadist terrorism are needed to inform counter-terrorist strategies Details: The Hague: The International Centre for Counter-Terrorism, 2017. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: ICCT Research Paper: Accessed March 4, 2017 at: https://icct.nl/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/ICCT-Schmid-Muslim-Opinion-Polls-Jan2017-1.pdf Year: 2017 Country: International URL: https://icct.nl/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/ICCT-Schmid-Muslim-Opinion-Polls-Jan2017-1.pdf Shelf Number: 141336 Keywords: al QaedaCounter-TerrorismExtremists GroupsIslamic StateJihadistsPublic OpinionTerrorismTerroristsViolent Extremists |
Author: Ekins, Emily Title: Deep Racial Divide in Perceptions of Police and Reported Experiences, No Group Is Anti-Cop Summary: A new Cato Institute/YouGov survey of public attitudes toward the police finds a 38-point gap between white and black Americans’ perception that police are too quick to resort to deadly force. Nearly three-fourths (73%) of African Americans and 54% of Hispanics believe the police are "too quick to use deadly force," compared to 35% of white Americans. Instead, 65% of white Americans believe police resort to lethal force "only when necessary". When it comes to police tactics overall, black Americans (56%) are more likely to think they are "too harsh" compared to white (26%) and Hispanic (33%) Americans. Majorities of whites (67%) and Hispanics (58%) believe police generally use the right amount of force for each situation, Details: Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2017. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 9, 2017 at: https://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/public-opinion-briefs-1.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/public-opinion-briefs-1.pdf Shelf Number: 144386 Keywords: Police-Citizen Interactions Police-Community Relations Public Opinion |
Author: Lopez, Mark Hugo Title: Latinos' Views of the Impact of Illegal Immigration on Their Community Improve Summary: Hispanics' views of the impact of unauthorized immigration on the U.S. Hispanic community have grown more positive since 2010, according to a new nationwide survey of 5,103 Hispanic adults by the Pew Research Center. Today, 45% of Hispanic adults say the impact of unauthorized immigration on Hispanics already living in the U.S. is positive, up 16 percentage points from 2010 when 29% said the same. Views of unauthorized immigration's impact have improved more among foreign-born Hispanics than native-born Hispanics. According to the new survey, half (53%) of Hispanic immigrants say the impact of unauthorized immigration on the U.S. Hispanic community is positive, up 19 percentage points from 2010 when 34% said the same. This compares with a 12 percentage point increase in the share of native-born Hispanics who say the same - from 24% in 2010 to 35% in 2013. Among the native born, views of unauthorized immigration's impact on U.S. Hispanics differ by immigrant generation. Some 42% of second generation Hispanics (the native-born adult children of immigrant parents) say the impact of unauthorized immigration is positive. By comparison, just 29% of third generation Hispanics (native-born adults of native-born parents) say the same. For both groups, the share saying the impact of unauthorized immigration is positive has grown since 2010-up 11 percentage points among second generation Hispanics and up 10 percentage points among third generation Hispanics. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2013. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 18, 2017 at: http://www.pewhispanic.org/2013/10/03/latinos-views-of-illegal-immigrations-impact-on-their-community-improves/ Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewhispanic.org/2013/10/03/latinos-views-of-illegal-immigrations-impact-on-their-community-improves/ Shelf Number: 131378 Keywords: HispanicsIllegal ImmigrationPublic Opinion |
Author: Stakic, Isidora Title: Perceptions of Personal Safety and Perceptions of Security Threats at the Local Level: A Comparative Overview of Serbia, Kosovo and Albania Summary: This comparative analysis of the results of public opinion surveys in Serbia, Kosovo and Albania indicates a relatively strong feeling of personal safety among respondents from all three communities. However, respondents do not see that state institutions contribute to this situation, and they are mostly dissatisfied with the performance of security institutions. Human security concerns are similar in all three communities, but their different ranking shows the different priorities of the three communities. Another important finding is that the Serbian community living in North Kosovo has different security perceptions from the rest of Kosovo's population. The paper written by Isidora Stakic presents comparatively citizens' views of their personal safety and security at the local level, as surveyed in Albania, Kosovo and Serbia in October 2013. The survey was conducted using the same questionnaire in all three communities, taking a representative sample of citizens. In Serbia, 1200 citizens were interviewed, including a sub-sample of 200 citizens in Southern Serbia (the municipalities of Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja). The survey in Kosovo encompassed 1119 respondents, including 100 ethnic Serbs residing in North Kosovo. In Albania, 1100 citizens were interviewed. The analysis is complemented by data from 2014 and 2015 in order to show the trends in citizens' perceptions of personal safety and local security. The publication is a part of the joint initiative "Security Research Forum Belgrade-Prishtina-Tirana", run by the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP), the Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) and the Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM) from Tirana. Details: Belgrade : Belgrade Centre for Security Policy ; Prishtina : Kosovar Center for Security Studies ; Tirana : Institute for Democrarcy and Mediation, 2016 (Beograd : Unagraf, 2016. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 18, 2017 at: http://www.bezbednost.org/upload/document/perceptions_of_personal_safety_in_serbia_kosovo_an.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: http://www.bezbednost.org/upload/document/perceptions_of_personal_safety_in_serbia_kosovo_an.pdf Shelf Number: 147381 Keywords: Fear of CrimePersonal SecurityPublic Opinion |
Author: Sakiyama, Mari Title: Nevada vs. U.S. Residents' Attitudes Toward Surveillance Using Aerial Drones Summary: Unmanned Aircraft Systems (UAS) or Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV), commonly known as "drones," are free-flying aircraft that are controlled by remote technology. Drones have the capability to not only collect information along their flight path, but also to provide visual monitoring of activities in various public places. These flight systems have commonly been used for military operations and are increasingly being applied for use in search and rescue activities, land management practices, and climatic and geographical photo mapping. A recent national survey found that the vast majority of U.S. residents support the use of drones in these areas (Miethe, Lieberman, Sakiyama, & Troshynski, 2014). Eighty-three percent of Nevada residents in this survey were opposed to using drones to monitor people's daily activities around their home. The majority of respondents were also opposed to drones monitoring people at work (59%) and in their daily activities in open public places (48%). Public attitudes about using drones for domestic surveillance varied across different social groups in Nevada. For surveillance in both public and private places, opposition to drone use was highest among persons with lower incomes and those who emphasize individualism (i.e., prefer a government that focuses on individual rights over public safety). About two-thirds of the respondents in Nevada agreed that drone surveillance is an invasion of privacy, especially when it occurs around the home (77%) or at work (66%). High levels of agreement across contexts were also found in people's views of drones as "excessive surveillance." These two concerns were the major reasons for opposition to domestic surveillance by drones. A belief that drones increase public safety was the primary reason given by respondents who support the use for domestic surveillance by government entities. Respondents in Nevada strongly opposed the use of drones for monitoring people's daily activities when it is done by private citizens (78%), commercial businesses (71%), and the mass media (66%). Similar to national findings, Nevada residents were far less opposed to drone surveillance of people's daily activities by local, state, and federal government agencies (44% opposed this activity). Details: Las Vegas: University of Nevada at Las Vegas, Center for Crime and Justice Policy, 2014. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 10, 2017 at: https://www.unlv.edu/sites/default/files/page_files/27/NevadaU.S.Residents%27Attitudes.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.unlv.edu/sites/default/files/page_files/27/NevadaU.S.Residents%27Attitudes.pdf Shelf Number: 135757 Keywords: Aerial DronesPublic OpinionSurveillance |
Author: Newman, Benjamin J. Title: Mass Shootings and Public Support for Gun Control Summary: The recent spate of mass public shootings in the U.S. raises important questions about how these tragic events might impact mass opinion and public policy. Integrating research on focusing events, contextual effects, and perceived threat, we argue that residing near a mass shooting should increase support for gun control by making the threat of gun violence more salient. Drawing upon multiple data sources on mass public shootings paired with large-N survey data, we demonstrate that increased proximity to a mass shooting is associated with heightened public support for stricter gun control. Importantly, we show that this effect does not vary by partisanship but does vary as a function of salience-related event factors, such as repetition, magnitude, and recency. Critically, we replicate our core result using panel data. Together, our results suggest a process of context-driven policy feedback between existing gun laws, egregious gun violence, and demand for policy change. Details: Open Access Article, 2017. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2900212 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2900212 Shelf Number: 149300 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Shootings Public Opinion |
Author: Mueller, John Title: Public Opinion and Counterterrorism Policy Summary: lthough there are multiple reasons to have expected an erosion of concern about terrorism since 2001, poll data suggest that the fear of terrorism has shown little sign of waning in the United States. Special fear and anxiety have been stoked and maintained by the fact that Islamist terrorism seems to be part of a large and hostile conspiracy that is international in scope, and rather spooky in nature. Fear of such terrorism is more like that inspired by domestic communists during the Cold War than like that generated by domestic terrorism. Public opinion is the primary driver behind the extensive and excessive counterterrorism efforts undertaken since 9/11, and officials and elites are more nearly responding to public fear than creating it. Policymakers can do little, if anything, to reduce the fear of terrorism-if people want to be afraid, nothing will stop them. Moreover, because of the special formlessness, even spookiness, of terrorism's hostile foreign referent in this case, it may be exceptionally difficult to get people to believe that the threat has really been extinguished or at least that it is no longer particularly significant. However, this means that policymakers are, in an important sense, free to do their job right: they can expend money responsibly in a manner that best saves lives rather than in one that seeks to reduce unjustified, and perhaps unfathomable, fears. Details: Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2018. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 13, 2018 at: https://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/white-paper-public-opinion-counterterrorism-policy.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/white-paper-public-opinion-counterterrorism-policy.pdf Shelf Number: 149446 Keywords: Counter-Terrorism National Security Public OpinionTerrorism |
Author: Murray, Kath Title: Police reform and public confidence in Scottish policing: 2012 ti 2015. An analysis of Scottish Social Attitudes survey data Summary: This report examines public confidence in Scottish policing, and public awareness of police reform between 2012 and 2015. Capturing public attitudes immediately prior to and following the amalgamation of Scotland's eight police forces in April 2013, the report provides original insights into how public attitudes towards Scottish policing changed during the early years of police reform. Note that the findings cannot be generalised beyond the four-year survey period (2012 to 2015). The analysis is based on Scottish Social Attitudes (SSA) data collated by ScotCen Social Research as part of the annual SSA survey series. This is a nationally representative, face-to-face survey of adults living in Scotland. For the purposes of this report, the sample is aged eighteen years or over. The survey module on police reform and public confidence was sponsored by the Scottish Institute for Policing Research (SIPR), Police Scotland, the Scottish Police Authority and ScotCen Social Research. The analysis shows that public confidence in policing - as measured by whether respondents thought that the local police did a good job or bad job - remained relatively stable between 2012 and 2014. Public confidence ratings then fell significantly between 2014 and 2015. The timing of this downturn, around two years after police reform, indicates that the shift was not influenced by the idea of a single force per se. Instead, the analysis suggests that the results may reflect perceived changes to on the ground police practice, including a perceived reduction in local police presence. There is also evidence of regional convergence in public confidence ratings, with initially higher confidence ratings in the East and North in 2012 converging with lower ratings in the West (which remained broadly unchanged) across the four-year period. These findings might cautiously be read as evidence of a West/Strathclyde policing model taking hold in the early reform years. Looking at the relationship between police contact and public confidence in local policing, the analysis suggests that police-initiated encounters (for example, being questioned on the street or searched) may be associated with lower ratings of local policing. While no data are available on the quality of these interactions, the findings nonetheless underscore the importance of fair and proportionate policing. While the results suggest that a visible police presence is broadly welcome, by the same token it is also clear that the type of interaction matters. Analysis of the relationship between socio-demographic factors and confidence in local policing show that for the most part, the associations are relatively weak or not statistically significant, with few clear trends. Details: Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, 2018. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 18, 2018 at: http://www.sipr.ac.uk/downloads/SSA%20_2012_2015_Public_confidence_and%20police%20reform.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.sipr.ac.uk/downloads/SSA%20_2012_2015_Public_confidence_and%20police%20reform.pdf Shelf Number: 150261 Keywords: Police LegitimacyPolice ReformPolice-Community InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Esberg, Jane Title: Explaining Misperceptions of Crime Summary: Promoting public safety is a central mandate of government. But despite decades of dramatic improvements, most Americans believe crime is rising - a mysterious pattern that may pervert the criminal justice policymaking process. Why do Americans think crime is worsening? We test four plausible explanations: survey mismeasurement, extrapolation from local conditions, lack of exposure to facts and partisan cues. Cross-referencing over a decade of crime records with geolocated polling data and original survey experiments, we show individuals readily update beliefs when presented with accurate crime statistics, but this effect is attenuated when statistics are embedded in a typical crime news article, and confidence in perceptions is diminished when a copartisan elite undermines social statistics. We conclude Americans misperceive crime because of the frequency and manner with which they encounter relevant statistics. Our results suggest widespread misperceptions are likely to persist barring foundational changes in Americans' information consumption habits, or elite assistance. Details: Princeton, NJ: Princeton University, 2018. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed July 27, 2018 at: https://scholar.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/jmummolo/files/esberg_mummolo_ms_share.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://scholar.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/jmummolo/files/esberg_mummolo_ms_share.pdf Shelf Number: 150943 Keywords: Media and CrimePublic OpinionPublic Safety |
Author: Bartlett, Annie Title: Young people's secure care: Professionals' and parents' views of its purpose, placements and practice Summary: This is the third report on secure care for young people in England. It should be read in conjunction with the scoping report which established the location and nature of secure care facilities for young people and the census report which describes the detained population in terms of their health and social care characteristics and pathways into care. This report is based on the analysis of 53 semi-structured interviews with secure care staff (N=36) and parents of detained young people (N=17). These explored their views of: - the characteristics of the multi-agency system of secure care - why a young person might be detained in the system - who these detained young people might be Key findings included: - Despite the notional clarity of the three components of secure care, respondents thought detained young people in all types of setting often shared similar, disadvantaged backgrounds and characteristics, including mental health difficulties - Vulnerable young people might be placed with those who posed a significant risk to others and those who only posed a risk to themselves might be detained in medium secure hospital services - Staff involved in the care of young people in secure care and parents' had different views on care quality - Staff involved in the care of young people in secure care and parents were critical of the process determining a young person's secure placement, seeing it as a consequence of failures in prophylactic health and social care (particularly child and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS)) and based on the availability of a placement rather than its suitability, to the point where the system's decision could appear arbitrary - Respondents were united in their concern that young people were often placed far from their support systems and that this was detrimental, even when specialist care was required - Many respondents thought young people had had multiple placements and moves leading to difficulty trusting staff or emotionally investing in care and to feelings of rejection - Parents considered the attitudes of staff towards their child, specifically with regards to their interest in and knowledge of their child's history, to be unhelpful - The widespread use of agency/temporary staff was uniformly considered to exacerbate difficulties in trust and communication and care delivery - Insufficient recruitment and poor retention of staff allied to the absence of bespoke training contributed to the widespread use of agency staff - A range of practical ideas about units and the system of care were put forward These findings led to themes, explored in the Discussion and Conclusions, for further consideration by key stakeholders: - Parents and professionals: language and its significance - Consistent Approaches to Care Delivery - Looking Out not just Looking In - Risk and Vulnerability - Geography and Parity of Esteem Details: London: National Health Service, 2018. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2018 at: https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/secure-settings-for-young-people-a-national-scoping-exercise-paper-3-interview-report.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/secure-settings-for-young-people-a-national-scoping-exercise-paper-3-interview-report.pdf Shelf Number: 152853 Keywords: Juvenile CorrectionsJuvenile DetentionJuvenile InmatesJuvenile OffendersPublic Opinion |
Author: Pew Research Center Title: Gun Policy Remains Divisive, But Several Proposals Still Draw Bipartisan Support More prioritize controlling gun ownership than protecting gun rights Summary: The partisan divide that for years has defined public opinion about the nation's gun policies remains firmly in place. Yet there continue to be several specific policy proposals that draw broad support from both Republicans and Democrats. Overwhelming majorities of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents and Democrats and Democratic leaners (89% each) say mentally ill people should be barred from buying guns. Nearly as many in both parties (86% of Democrats, 83% of Republicans) favor barring gun purchases by people on federal watch lists. And sizable majorities also favor making private gun sales and sales at gun shows subject to background checks (91% of Democrats, 79% of Republicans). Yet there is a 30-percentage-point difference between Democrats and Republicans in support for an assault weapons ban (81% of Democrats, 50% of Republicans) and even wider gaps on two other proposals: arming teachers and school officials in elementary and high schools and allowing people to carry concealed weapons in more places. Large majorities of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents favor both of these proposals (69% arming school officials, 68% expanded concealed carry), compared with only about a quarter of Democrats and Democratic leaners (22% arming school officials, 26% expanded concealed carry). Opinions on these and other gun policy proposals have changed little in the year since Pew Research Center conducted a major study of guns in the U.S. (See "Americas Complex Relationship with Guns.") Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2018. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 22, 2018 at: http://www.people-press.org/2018/10/18/gun-policy-remains-divisive-but-several-proposals-still-draw-bipartisan-support/ Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.people-press.org/2018/10/18/gun-policy-remains-divisive-but-several-proposals-still-draw-bipartisan-support/ Shelf Number: 153046 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Policy Gun-Related Violence Guns Public Opinion |
Author: Pew Research Center Title: Shifting Public Views on Legal Immigration into the U.S.: Many Unaware that Most Immigrants in the U.S. are Here Illegally Summary: While there has been considerable attention on illegal immigration into the U.S. recently, opinions about legal immigration have undergone a long-term change. Support for increasing the level of legal immigration has risen, while the share saying legal immigration should decrease has fallen. The survey by Pew Research Center, conducted June 5-12 among 2,002 adults, finds that 38% say legal immigration into the United States should be kept at its present level, while 32% say it should be increased and 24% say it should be decreased. Since 2001, the share of Americans who favor increased legal immigration into the U.S. has risen 22 percentage points (from 10% to 32%), while the share who support a decrease has declined 29 points (from 53% to 24%). The shift is mostly driven by changing views among Democrats. The share of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents who say legal immigration into the U.S. should be increased has doubled since 2006, from 20% to 40%. Growing share of Democrats support increased legal immigration into the U.S.Republicans' views also have changed, though more modestly. The share of Republicans and Republican leaners who say legal immigration should be decreased has fallen 10 percentage points since 2006, from 43% to 33%. Still, about twice as many Republicans (33%) as Democrats (16%) support cutting legal immigration into the U.S. The new survey, which was largely conducted before the crisis at the U.S.-Mexico border involving immigrant children being separated from their parents, finds deep and persistent partisan divisions in a number of attitudes toward immigrants, as well as widespread misperceptions among the public overall about the share of the immigrant population in the U.S. that is in this country illegally. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2018. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 16, 2019 at: http://www.people-press.org/2018/06/28/shifting-public-views-on-legal-immigration-into-the-u-s/ Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.people-press.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2018/06/06-28-2018-Immigration-release.pdf Shelf Number: 154221 Keywords: Illegal ImmigrationImmigrant ChildrenImmigration PolicyLegal ImmigrationPublic AttitudesPublic Opinion |
Author: New York University School of Law, Policing Project Title: Report to the NYPD Summarizing Public Feedback on its Proposed Body-Worn Camera Policy Summary: In the coming months, the New York Police Department (NYPD) will launch a 1,000-camera pilot body-worn camera program, as required by the federal district court in the Floyd v. City of New York stop-and-frisk litigation. To ensure that its program responds to the interests and concerns of the communities it serves, the NYPD asked the Policing Project to assist the department in soliciting public input regarding its proposed body-worn camera policy. This report summarizes the public feedback received. Beginning on June 29, 2016, the Policing Project posted the NYPD's proposed policy online, along with a brief policy fact sheet highlighting its main points. Individuals and organizations were invited to share their feedback in one of two ways: by taking a brief questionnaire, or by submitting more detailed written comments. All of the materials - which were translated into seven languages in addition to English - were available at www.nypdbodycameras.org. The comment period ran for 40 days, concluding on August 7. The Policing Project received just over 30,000 questionnaire responses - 25,126 of which were from individuals who identified themselves as living, working, or attending school in New York. (We did not include in our analysis the nearly 5,000 responses we received from individuals who presumably were from outside of New York City.) We also received 50 sets of written comments from individuals and organizations. We describe at length below the feedback we received, but in summary: - Body-Worn Camera Program: Respondents overwhelmingly were in favor of body-worn cameras, and expressed the hope that use of the cameras would improve police-community relations, enhance officer and public safety, and improve the conduct of both officers and members of the public during police-citizen encounters. - Activation: Respondents generally were of the view that officers should be required to record a greater number of interactions than currently is called for in the NYPD's draft policy. Nearly two-thirds of respondents said that officers should be required to record all interactions with members of the public, and just over eighty percent favored recording whenever an officer approaches someone as part of the investigation of criminal activity. - Notification: A large majority of respondents said that officers should be required to notify people when cameras are recording, both in public and when entering a private residence. However, most of these respondents supported delaying that notification until officers felt it was safe to provide it. - Officer Review: More than two thirds of respondents said that officers should not be permitted to review their own body-camera footage until they have filled out a report describing the incidents - particularly when an officer is involved in a use of force. Throughout the report we use "Floyd litigation" to refer to three related cases - Floyd v. City of New York, Ligon v. City of New York, and Davis v. City of New York. The latter two cases challenged the NYPD's criminal trespass enforcement practices in New York City Public Housing as well as buildings enrolled in the Trespass Affidavit Program (TAP). - Public Access: Respondents urged the NYPD to establish a clear and streamlined process by which the subject of a body-worn camera recording could ask to see the footage. Respondents also favored releasing body-worn camera footage of high-profile incidents involving officers and members of the public either immediately, or after an internal investigation is complete. As we explain in the next section of the report, the solicitation of public comment on police department policies is in its infancy in the United States. The process described here - which occurred over a very short period of time, in the country's largest city - could not have been accomplished without substantial efforts by the NYPD, the plaintiffs' lawyers in the Floyd litigation, and numerous public officials and community groups. These efforts were entirely commendable, and resulted in substantial input from tens of thousands of New Yorkers. Details: New York: Policing Project, New York University School of Law, 2016. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 1, 2019 at: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/58a33e881b631bc60d4f8b31/t/59ce7edfb0786914ba448d82/1506705121578/Report+to+the+NYPD+Summarizing+Public+Feedback+on+BWC+Policy.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.policingproject.org/dispatches/2017/9/21/nypd-asks-policing-project-to-gather-public-input-on-body-cameras Shelf Number: 154767 Keywords: Body-Worn CamerasNew York Police DepartmentPolice AccountabilityPolice SurveillancePolice-Community RelationsPublic OpinionStop-and-Frisk Litigation |